GS Paper 1

Ranajit Guha, the unconventional historian

Context: Ranajit Guha, a distinguished historian who left an indelible mark on the field of Indian history, sadly passed away in April 2023. He was renowned for his significant contributions and was particularly influential within the Subaltern Studies group.

About Ranajit Guha

Famous works: A Rule of Property for Bengal: An Essay on the Idea of Permanent Settlement, (Today, it is recognized as a classic in modern Indian history); History at the Limit of World-History; An Indian Historiography of India: A Nineteenth Century Agenda & Its Implications; Dominance without Hegemony: History and Power in Colonial India; Elementary Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India.
During the 1980s, he initiated a transformative approach to studying South Asia and the Indian subcontinent. He observed that the prevailing mainstream historical studies were inadequate for comprehending the complexities of the region's past.
This led to a shift away from the predominantly elitist approach to studying the history of the region. The new methodology, known as Subaltern Studies, emerged as an influential post-colonial and post-Marxist school of history.
Guha defined the term ‘subaltern’ as the demographic distinction between the overall Indian population and those identified as the elite.
As part of the project, he examined the landmark legislation of 1793 known as the Permanent Settlement of Bengal. He posed a previously unasked question: How did the application of the 18th-century French economic doctrine of Physiocracy, aimed at creating entrepreneurial farmers in Bengal, result in the creation of the neo-feudal zamindari system?

Subaltern Studies

The term ‘subaltern’ draws inspiration from the work of Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci (1891–1937). Initially, the term referred to peasants excluded from the industrial capitalist system.
The Subaltern historians departed from Gramsci's interpretation, arguing that the history of subaltern groups was autonomous from that of the dominant classes while acknowledging their subordinated status.
The Subaltern Studies examines non-elites and subalterns as agents of political and social change. They demonstrate a particular interest in studying the discourses and rhetoric of emerging political and social movements, rather than solely focusing on highly visible actions such as demonstrations and uprisings.
In Indian context: Explores the dynamics of dominance and subordination within colonial systems, notably in India. Dissatisfied with the prevailing conventions of Indian history writing, a group of writers joined the collective and made significant contributions to its volumes.

Unveiling the Phases of Subaltern Studies

The Subaltern Studies project, renowned for its innovative approach to historical analysis, can be divided into two distinct phases.

Phase I of the Subaltern Studies:

Represented a radical departure from conventional Indian historiography, characterized by the confrontation between the elite and the subaltern.
The project aimed to break free from the economic determinism found in various Marxist theories and challenge the elitism of bourgeois-nationalist and colonial interpretations.
The project highlighted the distinctions between the politics of the people and elite politics, as elite mobilizations were vertical in nature and people's mobilizations took a horizontal form.
The elite mobilization tended to be legalistic and peaceful, whereas subaltern mobilization often exhibited a more spontaneous and confrontational nature.
Phase II, embracing discourse analysis in Subaltern Studies:

The second phase saw a significant change in its approach, influenced by postmodernist and post-colonialist ideologies that reshaped its trajectory.
The impact of postcolonial perspectives became evident, particularly in the works of Partha Chatterjee.
Chatterjee's influential book, ‘Nationalist Thought and Colonial World’ (1986), applied a postcolonial framework, which portrayed colonial power-knowledge as dominant and irresistible.
Over time, many other writers associated with Subaltern Studies moved away from Marxist ideology, leading to intellectual divergences within the group.

Critiques of the Subaltern Studies Project

Despite influential contributions to historiography, it has faced extensive criticism from various quarters. Critiques have emerged from Marxist, Nationalist as well as Cambridge School historians.

Scholars like, Javeed Alam argued that the autonomy of subaltern politics is based on the perpetuity of rebellious action, irrespective of whether the consequences are positive or negative.
This perspective neglects the historical trajectory of militancy and overlooks the implications of such theoretical constructs.

In the review essay by Sangeeta Singh, a critical picture is presented of Guha's understanding of the spontaneity of peasant rebellion. It was seen as a reflexive action, which is problematic, as it equated spontaneity with action based on traditional consciousness.
Guha's assertion about the centrality of religion in rebels' consciousness was viewed as supporting the British official view that downplayed the disruptive role of colonialism in rural and tribal structures.
Ranjit Das Gupta, argued that the project tended to focus on moments of conflict and protest while downplaying the dialectics of collaboration among subaltern groups.
David Ludden, pointed out its rigid theoretical division between ‘elite’ and ‘subaltern’ and its confinement of subaltern politics to the lower strata, thereby alienating subalternity from political histories of popular movements.

Despite the controversies, the project has undeniably made significant contributions to historical scholarship, reshaping our understanding of marginalized voices and challenging dominant narratives.

Mural in new Parliament

Context: Ministry of External Affairs characterized mural within recently constructed parliament building as a representation of expansion of the ancient Ashokan empire. The mural illustrates the Ashoka empire's growth and conveys concept of accountable and citizen-centred governance that Ashoka embraced and promoted.

About Mural Paintings

Murals are artworks displayed on solid structures, such as walls, and have rich and extensive history.
Spanned from 2nd century BC to 8th-10th century AD.
Murals are found predominantly within natural caves and rock-cut chambers.
Examples: Ajanta, Ravan Chhaya Rock Shelter, Bagh caverns, Sittanavasal caves, and Kailasanatha temple in Ellora.
Main Themes: Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism.

Features of Mural Paintings

Distinguishing feature lies in grand scale, as they surpass confines of traditional paper and are meant to adorn the walls of expansive structures, typically caves and temple walls.
Two notable qualities: organic integration with architecture and their significant public significance.
Mural paintings possess a truly three-dimensional nature, as they interact with and inhabit space they occupy.
To create vibrant pigments used in ancient Indian mural paintings, natural sources like terracotta, chalk, red ochre, yellow ochre were blended with animal fat.
Subjects: human and animal figures, hunting scenes, family life, courtly settings, deities, and narratives from the Buddhist Jataka tales.

Examples of Mural Paintings

Ajanta Cave Paintings

Carved during 4th century AD from volcanic rocks, Ajanta caves comprise a remarkable collection of 29 caves.
Created over a span of four to five centuries under the patronage of the Mauryan Empire.
Caves no. 9 and 10 house murals from the Sunga period, while the rest belong to the Gupta period.
The cave walls showcase a combination of murals and fresco paintings, the latter being created on wet plaster.
In Cave 1, one can find paintings of several Bodhisattvas: Vajrapani (a protector and guide), Manjusri (a manifestation of Buddha's wisdom), and Padmapani Avalokitesvara (a symbol of Buddha's compassion).

Sittanavasal Cave (Arivar-Kovil) Paintings

Situated in Tamil Nadu, these rock-cut caves are distinguished for their Jain temple paintings.
These murals bear a striking resemblance to artworks found in Bagh and Ajanta.
The thematic focus of paintings revolves around Jain Samavasarana (Preaching-hall), where Tirthankaras delivered sermons following their attainment of kevala-gnana (enlightenment).
Scholars have attributed caves to the Pallava period when King Mahendravarman I excavated the temple.

About Ashoka (Mauryan Emperor)

Ashoka, also known as Chakravartin Samrat Ashoka, was the third emperor of the Mauryan Empire from 268 to 232 BCE.
He was the son of Bindusara and grandson of the dynasty's founder, Chandragupta. During his father's reign, Ashoka served as governor of Ujjain, Central India and according to Buddhist legends, he suppressed a rebellion in Taxila.
He is credited with the construction of various stupas and viharas and notable ones are: Sanchi and Bharhut stupa in Madhya Pradesh; Dhamek Stupa in Sarnath, Uttar Pradesh; Mahabodhi Temple, Barabar Caves and Nalanda Mahavihara in Bihar and Sannati Stupa in Karnataka, India.
Ashoka played a crucial role in dissemination of Buddhism throughout ancient Asia.

Kalinga War and conversion to Buddhism

According to Ashoka's inscriptions, he achieved victory over the Kalinga region in his eighth regnal year.
Edict 13 of Ashoka Rock inscriptions reveals deep remorse experienced by the king upon witnessing the devastation in Kalinga.
However, epigraphic evidence suggests that his transformation was a gradual process. For instance, Minor Rock Edict issued in the 13th regnal year, mentions that he had been a practicing Upasaka (lay Buddhist) for over two and a half years.

Third Buddhist Council

Convened in Pataliputra, under the patronage of Ashoka, around 250 BC.
Aimed to unite, various Buddhist schools and purify the Buddhist movement.
Moggaliputta Tissa, a Buddhist monk, presided over the council.
Sthaviravada sect, which upheld the belief in the simultaneous presence of past, present, and future, was established as an orthodox school.
Compilation of Abhidhamma Pitaka (third Pitaka), which explains the tenets of Dhamma.
As a result of this Buddhist council, Ashoka dispatched Buddhist missionaries to various regions, including Gandhara, Kashmir, and Sri Lanka.

Edicts of Ashoka

Edicts of Ashoka are a collection of 33 inscriptions on the Pillars of Ashoka as well as cave walls.
Language and Script: Mostly in Brahmi script and Magadhi and Prakrit languages; Kandahar inscriptions are in Greek and Aramaic, and inscriptions in north-western Pakistan are in Kharosthi script.
The geographical distribution of these edicts outlines the vast expanse of the Mauryan Empire under Ashoka's rule, stretching from present-day Afghanistan in the west to present-day Bangladesh in the east, with its capital at Pataliputra.
In one such inscriptions, lands beyond Ashoka's borders are mentioned, including Chodas (Cholas), Pandyas, Satiyaputa and Keralaputa (Chera).
Maski Inscription, Karnataka:

The site has a minor rock edict and was first edict of Ashoka containing the name Ashoka instead of ‘Devanampriya’ or ‘Piyadassi’.
The inscription was ‘dharma shasana’ which tells people to follow the tenets of Buddhism.

Kalsi Inscription, Uttarakhand:

The only place in North India where Ashoka has inscribed a set of fourteen rock edicts.
It reflects the policies for commitment to non-violence and restriction of war.
Kanganahalli inscription at Sannati, Karnataka:
An inscription in Brahmi script reading ‘Ranyo Ashoka’ (King Ashoka) and a sculpture of King Ashoka.

The edicts emphasize:

Ashoka's commitment to peace, righteousness, and justice, as well as his deep concern for welfare of his subjects.
By renouncing violence and war, and promoting peace and pursuit of dhamma (righteousness), Ashoka diverged from prevalent philosophy of statecraft.
Shows his efforts to spread and develop dharma throughout his kingdom.
Edicts mainly focus on social and moral precepts rather than specific religious practices or philosophical dimension of Buddhism.

Oil reserves in salt caverns: The potential in India

Context: Government-owned engineering consultancy firm Engineers India (EIL) is studying the prospects and feasibility of developing salt cavern-based strategic oil reserves in Rajasthan, in line with the government’s objective of increasing the country’s strategic oil storage capacity.

What are strategic petroleum reserves (SPR)?

Strategic petroleum reserves (SPRs) are stockpiles of crude oil maintained by countries for release in the event of a supply disruption.
For example India currently has an SPR capacity of 5.33 million tonnes, or around 39 million barrels of crude, that can meet around 9.5 days of demand.
India’s strategic oil reserves come under the Petroleum Ministry’s special purpose vehicle Indian Strategic Petroleum Reserve (ISPRL).

Locations in India:

The country’s three existing strategic oil storage facilities — at Mangaluru and Padur in Karnataka, and Visakhapatnam in Andhra Pradesh — are made up of excavated rock caverns.
The country is in the process of expanding its SPR capacity by a cumulative 6.5 million tonnes at two locations — Chandikhol in Odisha (4 million tonnes) and Padur (2.5 million tonnes).
So far India stores crude oil in the rock based caverns and not in salt based caverns.

What are rock based caverns?

Rock caverns are mined underground cavities in solid rock deep underground, using conventional mining techniques, and consist of a system of shafts or ramps and drifts, forming cavities, e.g., in granite.

How salt based caverns are different from rock based caverns?

Unlike underground rock caverns, which are developed through excavation, salt caverns are developed by the process of solution mining, which involves pumping water into geological formations with large salt deposits to dissolve the salt.
After the brine (water with dissolved salt) is pumped out of the formation, the space can be used to store crude oil.
- Advantages of salt caverns:
  - The process is simpler, faster, and less cost-intensive than developing excavated rock caverns.
  - Salt cavern-based oil storage facilities are also naturally well-sealed, and engineered for rapid injection and extraction of oil. This makes them a more attractive option than storing oil in other geological formations.
  - The salt that lines the inside of these caverns has extremely low oil absorbency, which creates a natural impermeable barrier against liquid and gaseous hydrocarbons, making the caverns apt for storage.
  - Also, unlike rock caverns, salt cavern-based storages can be created and operated almost entirely from the surface.
  - Salt caverns are also used to store liquid fuels and natural gas in various parts of the world. They are also considered suitable for storing compressed air and hydrogen.

Strategic petroleum reserves programme: story so far

India’s strategic oil reserves are part of the effort to build sufficient emergency stockpiles.
Crude oil from the reserves are to be released by an empowered committee set up by the government, in the event of supply disruptions due to a natural calamity or an unforeseen global event leading to an abnormal increase in prices.
The International Energy Agency (IEA), a Paris-based autonomous intergovernmental organisation in which India is an ‘Association’ country, recommends that all countries should hold an emergency oil stockpile sufficient to provide 90 days of import protection.
In India, apart from the SPR the oil marketing companies (OMCs) have storage facilities for crude oil and petroleum products for 64.5 days — which means there is sufficient storage to meet around 74 days of the country’s petroleum demand.
India has also decided to commercialise its strategic petroleum reserves, as part of which the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC) stored about 0.8 million tonnes of crude oil in the Mangaluru strategic reserve.
In the second phase of the programme, the government wants to develop strategic reserves through public-private partnerships so as to reduce government spending and exploit the commercial potential of the reserves.

Reinterpreting the Santhal rebellion

Context: Australian historian Peter Stanley, in his book "Hul! Hul! The Suppression of the Santhal Rebellion in Bengal, 1855," sheds light on Santhal rebellion and provides a comprehensive account that challenges existing narratives.

Unveils unexplored perspectives: Stanley has examined British military records that have been underutilized in previous historical accounts and highlighted the lack of comprehensive studies on the Santhal rebellions.
Provides a comprehensive exploration: The research has provided a detailed account of the Santhal uprising, surpassing traditional histories that often overlook specific experiences and presents a more holistic view of the rebellion, giving voice to the Santhal people and their struggles against oppression.
Origins of Santhals and Motivations: Traces the origin of the Santhal people, migratory history, thus, establishing the context in which the rebellion occurred. The pivotal role of Sidhu and Kanhu has been highlighted, who claimed divine inspiration to fight against the zamindars and seek a resolution to their plight.
Oppressive zamindars: The writer has highlighted that the Santhals' primary adversaries were the oppressive zamindars who held economic control over the land. The rebellion began with the destruction of indigo factories, a powerful symbol of foreign landlords.
Visibility of victims: Stanley's account goes beyond the traditional focus on military engagements to shed light on the often-forgotten victims of the rebellion: Santhal women. By recounting instances of potential sexual harassment and assault by soldiers, the author highlights the vulnerabilities faced by Santhal women and the absence of justice for their suffering.
Rediscovering Santhal Poetry: The author has incorporated Santhal poetry throughout the book. These verses capture the essence of the rebellion and the struggles endured by the Santhal communities. They provide a glimpse into the emotional and cultural landscape of the Santhals during and after the ‘Hul’.

Santhal Rebellion (1855-1856)

Following the Battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764), the British East India Company gained control over Indian provinces, including Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha.
In 1793, Governor-General Lord Cornwallis implemented the Permanent Settlement System in Bengal and Bihar.
Permanent Settlement granted hereditary and lifelong rights to zamindars, who paid a fixed amount to the British government annually.
It resulted in widespread dissatisfaction among the local population and the exploitation of peasants.

Factors responsible

The uprising was fuelled by a multitude of factors that pushed the Santhals to their breaking point.

Forced relocation and exploitation:
- The Santhals, an agrarian tribal community dependent on forests for their livelihood, were encouraged to settle in the Damin-i-Koh region (now part of Jharkhand) established by the East India Company in 1832.
- They soon discovered that the area was ruled by zamindars, who were tax-collection agents with significant economic power.
- The motive behind this relocation was to meet the demand for agricultural labor in areas where the population had significantly declined due to the devastating Bengal Famine of 1770.
Exploitation by merchants and moneylenders:
- Exploitative practices such as false measurements, usury, and fraudulent lawsuits perpetuated their subjugation and kept them trapped in cycles of debt bondage.
- The exploitative systems of bonded labor, known as "kamioti" and "harwahi," made it practically impossible for the Santhals to repay their debts.
Tyranny of zamindars and capitalist agriculture:
- Extraction of exorbitant rents from their meagre earnings.
- Those employed in indigo plantations faced gruelling labour for meagre wages.
- The oppressive economic conditions disrupted their traditional way of life and further plunged them into poverty.
Ineffectual redress and neglect by British administration:
- The Santhals sought redressal through petitions to the British government and recourse to the courts, hoping for relief from their dire circumstances.
However, they were met with disappointment and indifference at every turn.
Eruption of Social Banditry and Popular Uprising:
- As a result of extreme oppression and neglect, social banditry emerged in 1854.
- Led by figures such as Bir Singh Manjhi, a group of Santhals targeted moneylenders and zamindars, redistributing their spoils among the impoverished Santhals.

The Santhal Rebellion Unfolds

The 'Hul,' as this momentous insurrection was known, was led by four brothers from Bhagnadihi village: Sidhu, Kanhu, Chand, and Bhairav Murmu.
Under their leadership, around 60,000 Santhals mobilized with traditional weapons.
Despite the rebellion primarily being associated with opposition against the British, it actually originated as a revolt against the exploitation perpetrated by Indian 'upper' caste zamindars, moneylenders, merchants, and darogas (police officials), collectively referred to as 'diku,' who had established dominance over the economic aspects of Santhal life.

Impact of the Santhal Rebellion

The uprising prompted the British government to pass the Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act in 1876, providing some protection to tribal members against exploitation.
The region between Bhagalpur and the Rajmahal hills in Singhbhum district was separated and designated as Santhal Pargana which was declared a non-regulation district.
The Santhal Rebellion shed light on the harshness of the zamindari system imposed by the British East India Company on the local indigenous populations.
It also exposed the exploitative practices of moneylenders, who took advantage of the Santhals' unfamiliarity with monetary systems and charged exorbitant interest rates on loans.
The rebellion had a profound impact on the Santhali identity and resistance against persecution, contributing to the establishment of the state of Jharkhand in 2000.

The Santhal community

Origin and Migration: The Santhals are believed to have originated from the Champa Kingdom in northern Cambodia. They led a nomadic life in the past but eventually settled in the Chhotanagpur Plateau. Towards the late 18th century, they migrated to the Santhal Parganas of Bihar and later expanded into Odisha.
The third largest Scheduled Tribe in India after the Gond and Bhil and primarily consists of agricultural people. They are predominantly located in Odisha, Jharkhand, Bihar, and West Bengal.
Compared to other tribal groups in these states, the Santhal population has a relatively high literacy rate. They speak the Santhali language, which has its own script called Ol Chiki, recognized in the Eighth Schedule of the constitution.

SAVITRIBAI PHULE

Context: Maharashtra Chief Minister directed to initiate a probe into a website that allegedly posted derogatory content against pioneering 19th-century educationists.

Savitribai Phule

She was from the Mali community and was born on January 3, 1831, in Maharashtra’s Naigaon village.
At the tender age of 10, she was married to 12-year-old Jyotirao Phule, a man of social reform himself, who believed that women must be educated. He began to home-school Savitribai. Later, Jyotirao admitted Savitribai to a teacher’s training institution in Pune.
She was an exponent of female education, equality, and justice who took on the caste system with her revolutionary ideals and strived to dismantle the elite-controlled education system.

Contributions of Savitribai Phule in Education:

In 1848, Savitibai and Jyotiba established the first-ever school for girls in Bhidewada of which Savitribai was the headmistress.
In 1853, they established an education society that opened more schools for girls and women from all classes, in surrounding villages.
Savitribai and Jyotirao broke social barriers, paving the way for women's emancipation in a time when female education was unheard of.
Known as modern India’s first female teacher and in 1852, she was declared the best teacher in the state by the British government.

Role as Social Reformer

Savitribai started the Balhatya Pratibandhak Griha (‘Home for the Prevention of Infanticide’), a childcare centre for sexually exploited, pregnant widows, and rape victims facing discrimination.
She also adopted a child of a widow, Yashwantrao.
In 1852, she started the Mahila Seva Mandal to fight for the rights of women.
She organized a strike against barbers in Pune and Mumbai, putting pressure on them to stop shaving the heads of Brahmin widows.
She is often referred to as the mother of Indian feminism.
In 1873, Savitibai and Jyotiba started ‘Satyashodhak Marriage’, a rejection of Brahmanical rituals where the marrying couple takes a pledge to promote education and equality.
In 1868, she along with her husband set up a well in their backyard to allow people from the oppressed classes to drink water.
In 1897, following the Bubonic plague, Savitribai set up a clinic in Hadapsar to attend to the victims of the plague.

Literary works

She published two collections of poems - Kavya Phule(Poetry’s Blossoms) was published in 1854 and Bhavan Kashi Subodh Ratnakar (The Ocean of Pure Gems), in 1892.

Her most iconic poem is titled 'Go, Get Education' and was intended to encourage women to educate themselves as the best means of fighting inequality.

Ahmednagar of Maharashtra to renamed after Ahilyadevi Holkar

Context: Maharashtra Government is planning to rename Ahmednagar after Ahilyadevi Holkar (Maratha queen of Malwa).

Who was Ahilyadevi Holkar:

She was born in Chaundi village (present-day Ahmednagar district) of Maharashtra.
She belonged to the Holkar dynasty of Maratha which ruled from Indore.
She made Maheshwar the home of the Holkar Dynasty (south-west of Indore in Madhya Pradesh).
She came to power after the passing of her husband Khande Rao Holkar and father-in-law Malhar Rao Holkar.
She is known to have built hundreds of temples and Dharmashalas across India. She is particularly well-known for restoring and rededicating some of the holiest Hindu pilgrimage sites that the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb had desecrated and destroyed a century earlier.
She rebuilt the Kashi Vishwanath temple which was destroyed by Aurangzeb to build Gyanvapi Mosque in Banaras.
The current structure of Vishnupad Temple, Gaya, Bihar was built by Maharani Ahilya Bai Holkar in 1787

About Holkars of Maratha Confederacy:

The Holkars were Subhedar under Peshwa Baji Rao I (Pune seat).
Due to internal feud, Holkar became independent and remained so till 1818. After this they were under the protectorate of the British Empire.
The dynasty was founded with Malhar Rao, who joined the service of the Peshwas of the Maratha Empire in 1721, and quickly rose to the rank of Subedar. The name of the dynasty was associated with the title of the subhedar, who was known informally as Holkar.
In the 1720s, he led Maratha armies in Malwa region, and in 1733 was granted 9 parghanas in the vicinity of Indore by the Peshwa.
In 1747, he started the construction of his royal palace, the Rajwada. By the time of his death, he ruled much of Malwa, and was acknowledged as one of the five virtually independent rulers of the Maratha Confederacy.
He was succeeded by Ahilyabai Holkar (r. 1767–1795), his daughter-in-law. She was born in the Chaundi village in Maharashtra. She moved the capital to Maheshwar, south of Indore on the Narmada River.
He was succeeded by Ahilyabai Holkar (r. 1767–1795), his daughter-in-law.

Buddhism as a tool of Soft Power

Context: Nepal, the birthplace of Siddhartha Shakya, known as the Buddha, holds immense historical and cultural significance for Buddhists worldwide. However, despite this rich heritage, Nepal's role in global Buddhist congregations has been limited. This article explores the growing influence of India and China, two emerging superpowers, in defining the future of Buddhism and their utilization of Buddhism as a tool of soft power.

India's Approach to Buddhism

India is the place where Buddha attained his Nirvana and also popularised Buddhism. Hence, many religious sites associated with Buddhism in India are sacred for Buddhist across the globe.
India has long claimed Buddhism as an integral part of its cultural identity. The country sees Buddhism as a symbol of peace and tranquillity, especially during its tumultuous formation as a Republic, marked by religious divisions between Hinduism and Islam.
India has utilized Buddhist symbolism, such as the Ashoka Pillar and the wheel on the flag, to escape difficult times and promote harmony.
Also, India's recently hosted a two-day global Buddhist summit in New Delhi, organized by the Ministry of Culture in collaboration with the International Buddhist Confederation.

China's Soft Power Strategy

China's growing political and economic power has led to a multifaceted approach to promote Chinese Buddhism as a tool of soft power.
With a vast Buddhist population and numerous monasteries and temples, China sees Buddhism as an important aspect of its cultural diplomacy.
China's focus on Nepal as a source of Buddhism, alongside its infrastructure investments in Buddhist countries, demonstrates the country's intent to harness Buddhism's power for national integration and as a soft power tool.

Let us understand the significance of the Global Buddhist Summit

The summit, which took place in April, witnessed the participation of prominent figures from the global Buddhist community, including the Dalai Lama.
By organizing this high-profile event, India seized a valuable opportunity to project itself and connect with the Buddhist population worldwide, thereby bolstering its soft power.

Understanding Soft Power Diplomacy

Soft power diplomacy refers to the use of cultural, social, and economic means to influence other countries' attitudes and behaviours, without resorting to coercion or economic pressure. It aims to build relationships and shape international discourse through avenues such as cultural exchanges, educational programs, and public diplomacy campaigns.
India's Buddhist heritage plays a pivotal role in its soft power diplomacy strategy.

Significance of Buddhism for India's Foreign Relations

Historical and Cultural Ties: India's deep-rooted cultural and historical connections with Buddhism strengthen its soft power diplomacy with Buddhist countries like Sri Lanka, Myanmar, Thailand, Cambodia, and Vietnam.
Promoting Religious Harmony: As the birthplace of Buddhism, India can leverage its Buddhist heritage and teachings to engage with countries like China, which has a substantial Buddhist population, fostering dialogue and understanding between the two nations.
Economic Benefits: India's possession of seven out of the world's eight most significant Buddhist sites provides economic opportunities. The development of the Buddhist Circuit, a tourist trail connecting these sites, contributes to the nation's soft power diplomacy efforts.
Pan-Asian Presence: With 97% of the global Buddhist population residing in Asia, Buddhism holds intrinsic value for countries such as Bhutan, Myanmar, Thailand, and Sri Lanka, shaping their national values and identity.

India's Efforts in Buddhist Diplomacy

Focusing on promoting tourism through the development of the Buddhist tourist circuit.
Prime Minister made it a priority to visit Buddhist sites during his Southeast and East Asian visits.
Alternative Approach to Global Politics:

The statement by Prime Minister, "India has not given 'Yuddha' to the world but 'Buddha'," reflects India's aspiration to provide an alternative to contentious global politics, with morality as a guiding principle.
The theme of the Delhi summit, "Responses to Contemporary Challenges: Philosophy to Praxis," aligns with this objective.

Challenges

China factor:

China's attempt to control the appointment of the next Dalai Lama poses a challenge to India's soft power projection.
China's investment in the Gautam Buddha International Airport in Nepal, viewed by India as a Chinese project.

Geopolitical wrangling over Nepal's Buddhist sites risks turning them into mere attractions, devoid of their historical and spiritual essence.
India's promotion of Tibetan Buddhism and the exclusion of Nepal and other Buddhist nations from forums like the Global Buddhist Summit may serve geopolitical interests rather than a genuine commitment to Buddhism's essence.

Way forward

India should continue promoting Buddhism at the highest levels of government and organize cultural events to showcase its rich Buddhist history.
Collaboration with the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) and strengthening ties with Buddhist institutions and leaders worldwide would be beneficial.
Furthermore, leveraging Bollywood's reach to promote India's Buddhist heritage and utilizing cultural meetings during India's G-20 presidency can amplify Buddhist diplomacy on a global scale.
Increase investments, such as construction of the India International Centre for Buddhist Culture in Lumbini.

Kheer Bhawani temple

Context: The Kheer Bhawani Mela witnessed an immense display of excitement and zeal as Kashmiri Pandits and locals of the Kashmir valley commemorated it. This revered event, which takes place on Jyeshtha Ashtami, holds significant spiritual importance in the region.

(Picture given above: oldest drawing of Kheer Bhawani Fair by William Carpenter Junior)

About Kheer Bhawani Mela

Every year on the auspicious day of Jyeshtha Ashtami, Kashmiri Pandits make a pilgrimage to the Mata Ragnya Devi Temple or the Kheer Bhawani Temple to express their reverence.
The deity Kheer Bhavani holds great significance and is deeply respected within the region.
This vibrant fair takes place near the Kheer Bhawani Spring, locally known as Syendh, distinct from the Sindhu (Indus) River.
Under the rule of Ranbir Singh (1830-1885), a temple was constructed on the island, featuring a revered goddess idol and a Shiva linga within a lofty chamber built inside the spring. This amalgamation of a Shiv Linga and a goddess idol is unique to this sacred Hindu site.
It stands as one of the largest Hindu gatherings in the region, second only to the Amarnath pilgrimage.
Throughout the years, the Kheer Bhawani Mela has evolved into a symbol of communal harmony and fraternity in Kashmir.

Kheer Bhawani Temple

Location: North-eastern region of Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir, India.
Surrounding the goddess, there is a septa-gonal spring within the temple premises. This holy spring is known for its remarkable ability to change colours, displaying hues of red, pink, orange, green, blue, and white, although most of these colours do not hold any specific significance.
The current structure of the spring, temple pond, and temple itself was established during the 1910s under the rule of Maharaja Pratap Singh of Jammu and Kashmir, with further renovations carried out by Maharaja Hari Singh. The temple area is adorned with ancient chinar trees.

History and associated legends

References to Kheer Bhawani can be found in several ancient texts.

Kalhana's Rajtarangini: It mentions the sacred spring of Tula Mula, noting its location in a marshy area that was once engulfed by floods thousands of years ago, submerging both the spring and the temple.
The Bhrigu Samhita also makes a reference to Kheer Bhawani.
Abu’l-Fazal's Ain-i-Akbari: It provides further information, describing the Tula Mula area as spanning a hundred bighas, which would sink into the marshy lands during the summer season.

Shrine of Saint Sheikh Ahmed Karim

Saint Sheikh Ahmed Karim (Peer Ki Gali)

Located on the Mughal Road in the Poonch district of Jammu and Kashmir, this historic location holds significance in connection with a revered religious figure known as Alamdaar-e-Kashmir, Sheikh Noor-u-Din Noorani (RA) (1378 to 1441).
According to written accounts, the sacred site acquired its name due to the presence of Sheikh Ahmed Karim, a Hindu saint who converted to Islam.
It is important to note that the site is not a Mazar or the grave of a saint, but rather a place where Sheikh Ahmed Karim used to meditate. His actual grave is situated north of the grave of Bahuddin Ganj Bakash in Kashmir.

Historical reference

Francoise Barnier, in the year 1665, visited this location as part of the caravan accompanying the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb.
In his writings, Barnier states, "The saint had been residing here since the time of Mughal emperor Jahangir." Additionally, Barnier documented the
visits of both Aurangzeb and Shahjahan to this place.
Aliabad Sarai is another historical site situated near the Shrine:
- According to historical records, it is indicated that the Sarai at this location was initially constructed by the Mughal emperor Akbar.
- He commissioned its construction to provide lodging and amenities for travellers journeying along this route.
- Later, the Sarai was restored by emperor Shahjahan, who named it after his loyal governor, Ali Mardan Khan. As a result, the Sarai became widely recognized as Aliabad Sarai.

Concept of Peer and Murid in Sufism

Peer: A distinguished title bestowed upon a Sufi spiritual guide, also known as Sheikh. Within Sufism, the role of a Peer entails guiding and instructing disciples along the path of Sufism.
This guidance is often provided through general teachings, referred to as Suhbas, as well as individualized guidance.
Murid: The journey of Sufism commences when a student takes a solemn oath of allegiance, known as Baiat or Bayaah, where they pledge their loyalty and repent for past transgressions before their Pir (spiritual guide).

Sufism Movement and its features

During the medieval period, Sufism arose as a departure from the established and rigid religious doctrines of the time, emphasizing the importance of religious experiences and direct perception of God rather than strict adherence to formal practices alone.
While Sufis acknowledged the significance of the Shariat (Islamic law), they placed great emphasis on cultivating personal religious experiences.
Sufism has been influenced by a variety of sources including Christianity, Zoroastrianism, Buddhism, as well as the Indian philosophical systems of Vedanta and Yoga.

Sufi path:

The primary emphasis was on embarking upon the Sufi path as a means to establish direct communion with the divine reality.
The path could only be undertaken under the strict guidance of a spiritual mentor known as a ‘pir’.
The disciple, referred to as a ‘murid’, advanced through these stages and states by engaging in spiritual exercises such as self-discipline and the recollection of God's name.

Sama: One distinctive practice of the Sufis was the musical recital, which aimed to induce a mystical state of ecstasy. This practice faced opposition from the religious scholars (ulema).

Silsilahs:

The Sufis organized themselves into different orders known as Silsilahs. For example: Suhrawardi, Qadiri, and Chishti.
The activities of a Sufi order revolved around a hospice or khanqah, where the pir provided spiritual training to the disciples.
These khanqahs were sustained through endowments and charitable contributions.

Advent of the Sufis to India

Before Delhi Sultanate:
Even before the Delhi Sultanate was established, early Sufi saints had already arrived in India. The subsequent development of Sufism in India was primarily shaped by the Indian environment rather than non-Indian forms of Sufism.
Among the notable early Sufi saints who settled in India was Al Hujwiri, also known as Data Ganj Baksh, who arrived in India around 1088 AD. He authored the renowned Sufi manual titled ‘Kashf-ul-Mahjub.’

During Delhi Sultanate:

With the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, various Sufi orders found a new home in India, attracting Sufis who had fled from other parts of the Islamic world as refugees.
By the mid-14th century, the influence of Sufi activities had spread throughout most parts of the Indian subcontinent.

Organisation of Sufis in India

The Sufis in India organized themselves into various orders. According to Abul Fazal, there were fourteen Sufi orders that arrived in India, but only two of them, namely the Chishti and Suhravardi silsilahs, established strong roots in the country.

Chishti Silsilah

The Chishti silsilah originated in Ajmer and gradually spread to other regions such as Rajasthan, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Bengal, Orissa, and the Deccan.
Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti, introduced the Chishti order in India. He arrived in India during the Ghori conquest in 1190, and settled in Ajmer around 1206.
His simple, devout, and dedicated life had a profound impact on those who encountered him, earning respect from both Muslims and non-Muslims.
He was known for his tolerant attitude towards non-Muslims and was not actively involved in conversion efforts. Following his passing, his tomb in Ajmer became a renowned pilgrimage site.
The early Chishtis incorporated certain ethical values from the nathpanthi yogis and their communal way of life.

Suhravardi Silsilah

Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, introduced Suhravardi silsilah in India (1182-1262). He aligned himself with Iltutmish during the conquest of Multan against Qubacha and received state patronage from the Delhi Sultanate.
ltutmish bestowed upon him the title of Shaikh-ul Islam (Leader of Islam) and granted him an endowment.
The Suhravardi order-maintained connections with the ruling establishment and actively participated in political activities.
The Suhravardi silsilah was primarily concentrated in Sindh, Multan, Punjab and Bengal.
Unlike the Chistis, the Suhravardis did not advocate a life of poverty, extreme austerity, and self-mortification. In fact, they actively engaged with the government and willingly accepted official positions.
The Suhravardi silsilah was primarily associated with the upper echelons of Muslim society. Certain saints of the Suhravardi silsilah held rigid and uncompromising views on various religious and social matters.

Channapatna toys

Context: During an event, the Prime Minister, revealed the mascot for the International Museum Expo, which was a modernized rendition of the iconic Dancing Girl from Mohenjodaro. According to the Ministry of Culture the adaptation is not a transformation or reimagining of the original artwork but rather an inspired craftwork. The traditional craft of Channapatna toys, protected by a geographical indication (GI) tag, was employed in creating this mascot.

Channapatna Toys

Channapatna, widely recognised as the ‘City of Toys’ or the ‘Toy land of Karnataka’ is located in the Ramanagara District of Karnataka. The town is renowned for its exquisite toys produced by local small-scale industries.

History:

The history of Channapatna toys dates back over two centuries. Tipu Sultan (1750-1799) encouraged Persian artisans to come to India and teach the local craftsmen the art of making wooden toys.
One of the prominent figures in the development of Channapatna toys is Bavas Miyan, who dedicated his life to assisting local artisans, introducing new technologies, and enhancing the art of toy-making.

Material used:

Toys are crafted from soft ivory wood, known as Doodhi wood or Milkwood, is white in colour and easy to work with. The wood is meticulously carved and given a polished appearance.
Vegetable dyes are used for colouring the toys, ensuring that they are chemical-free and environmentally friendly.

Toy making process:

Traditionally, the process involved coating the wood of the Wrightia tinctoria tree, locally known as Aale mara (ivory-wood), with lacquer.
The manufacturing process has diversified over the years. In addition to ivory-wood, other woods such as rubber, sycamore, cedar, pine, and teak are now utilized.
The manufacturing stages include wood procurement, seasoning, shaping, carving, colouring, and polishing.

Wide range of varieties: In addition to dolls and horses, they include mathematical games, puzzles, showpieces such as vintage cars, beaded curtains, pen stands, snails, candle stands, and more.
The traditional craft has gained recognition as a geographical indication (GI) under the World Trade Organization and is overseen by the Government of Karnataka.

Dancing girl from Mohenjodaro

Context: The Dancing Girl figurine, which was unearthed in Mohenjodaro in 1926, has recently become the focal point of a heated debate.

What is dancing girl?

During an event, the Prime Minister, revealed the mascot for the International Museum Expo, which was a modernized rendition of the iconic Dancing Girl from Mohenjodaro.
While the ancient bronze figure stands at a mere height of 10.5 cm, with a dark complexion and being completely nude except for bangles and a necklace, the adapted mascot stands over five feet tall, has fairer skin, and is adorned in a bright pink blouse and an off-white waist-coat.
The Ministry of Culture maintains that the adaptation is not a transformation or reimagining of the original artwork but rather an inspired craftwork.
The traditional craft of Channapatna toys, protected by a geographical indication (GI) tag, was employed in creating this mascot.

Discovering the Dancing Girl

The Indus Civilization, also known as the Harappa-Mohenjodaro Civilization, thrived from 3300 to 1300 BC, with its mature stage dating from 2600 to 1900 BC.
This ancient civilization had been largely forgotten until its discovery was officially announced in 1924.
It was during one of these excavations in 1926, conducted by British archaeologist Ernest McKay, that the Dancing Girl figurine was discovered within the citadel of Mohenjodaro.
The Dancing Girl:

It is an extraordinary bronze statuette, crafted more than 4,500 years ago, and stands as a rare and exceptional masterpiece.
The statue holds immense cultural significance as it reflects the artistic aesthetics associated with the female form during that particular historical era.
It is constructed through the intricate lost-wax casting technique which showcases the remarkable skill and craftsmanship of the people of that time in working with bronze materials.
Standing tall, she displays long limbs, including legs and arms, a graceful neck, a subtle abdomen, and sensuous contours. The girl wears an assortment of bangles and a necklace, with her left arm adorned with bracelets and her right arm embellished with bangles.
Today, this bronze figurine is housed in the National Museum of India, serving as a valuable artifact that offers insight into the rich history of the Indus Civilization.

Inferences drawn from the figurine

As a dancer: John Marshall, the Director-General of the ASI from 1902 to 1928, suggested dancing pose of the figurine, which ed historians to believe that the woman was a dancer, although there is no concrete evidence to support this claim.
As a Goddess: Historian, Thakur Prasad Verma in Itihaas, claimed that the figurine actually depicted the Hindu goddess Parvati, attempting to establish a connection between the Indus Civilization and Vedic Hinduism. However, most historians have dismissed this claim, as there is insufficient evidence to confirm the presence of Hindu deity worship in the Harappa Mohenjodaro Civilization.
Artistic sophistication and knowledge of metallurgy:

It showcases the civilization's knowledge of metal blending and the complex process of lost-wax casting, which allows for the creation of intricately detailed metallic artifacts.
Evidently, the statue was not crafted for utilitarian purposes, but rather as a symbolically and aesthetically valuable artifact. It suggests that entertainment, particularly dance, held a significant role in their culture.

Mohenjodaro

The site Mohenjodaro (Mound of the Dead Men) is be found on the western bank of the lower Indus River, situated in Pakistan.

It is the largest settlement of the ancient Indus Valley Civilization and ranks among the earliest major cities worldwide, contemporary with other civilizations such as ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia and Minoan Crete.
The city flourished around 1700 BCE. As the Indus Valley Civilization experienced a decline, Mohenjodaro was eventually abandoned in the 19th century BCE.
Rediscovery and excavation:

R. D. Banerji, an officer of the Archaeological Survey of India, explored the site in 1919-1920.
Subsequent excavations were conducted in 1945 by Mortimer Wheeler.
Extensive excavation work has led to its recognition as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in 1980.
It holds the distinction of being the first South Asian site to receive such a designation.

Findings at the site

The Great Bath:

Sir Mortimer Wheeler identified a prominent building in Mohenjodaro as a ‘Great Granary.’ Adjacent to it stands a large and intricate public bath, often referred to as the Great Bath. The bath was made waterproof with a lining of bitumen.
The pool measures 12 meters (39 feet) in length, 7 meters (23 feet) in width, and 2.4 meters (7.9 feet) in depth. It is speculated that the bath may have been used for religious purification.
Water supply and wells:

Mohenjodaro boasts an astonishing number of over 700 wells, along with well-structured drainage and bathing systems.
The sheer quantity of wells suggests that the inhabitants relied predominantly on annual rainfall, as well as the proximity of the Indus River to the site.
It is noteworthy that the circular brick well design, prevalent at Mohenjodaro and other Harappan sites, appears to be an innovation credited to the Indus civilization.
There is no existing evidence of this particular design in Mesopotamia or Egypt during that era or even later.

Major artefacts

Mother Goddess Idol:

Discovered by John Marshall, the idol exhibits certain characteristics that resemble the Mother Goddess belief, which was prevalent in numerous early Near East civilizations.
The idol prominently displays symbol of fertility and motherhood.

Priest-King:

This sculpture was discovered in a building characterized by remarkably ornamental brickwork and a wall-niche.
Although there is no concrete evidence supporting the notion that priests or monarchs held authority in Mohenjodaro, archaeologists bestowed the title of ‘Priest-King’ upon this dignified figure.
The sculpture portrays a well-groomed man with a neatly trimmed beard, pierced earlobes, and a fillet encircling his head, possibly remnants of a once-elaborate hairstyle or headpiece.

Pashupati seal:

A seal depicting a seated figure in a cross-legged position, with animals surrounding it.
The interpretation of this figure varies among scholars, with some considering it to represent a yogi, while others identify it as a three-headed ‘proto-Shiva,’ symbolizing the ‘Lord of Animals.’

The Mohenjo-Daro Ruler:

Around 1500 BCE, the Indus Valley civilization employed ivory rulers for measuring length.
The ruler discovered in Mohenjo-Daro is divided into unit equivalent to 34 millimeters, with decimal subdivisions marked with remarkable precision, accurate to within 0.13 mm.
Similarly, a ruler found at Lothal (2400 BCE) is calibrated to approximately 1.6 mm (1/16 inch).
Additionally, ancient bricks discovered in the region exhibit dimensions corresponding to these standardized units.

Census in India

Context: Last month, an annual report by the UN Population Fund revealed that India was all set to become the world’s most populous country by the middle of this year. It estimated that India’s population would be 1,428 million (or 142.8 crore) by that time, slightly ahead of China’s population of 1,425 million.

Importance of Census

India would have had a far more accurate number for its population had the 2021 Census exercise been carried out. The 2021 Census had to be postponed because of the Covid pandemic, the first time in the 150-year history of India’s census operations that the exercise was not completed on time. Curiously, the Census has been pending even after the end of the pandemic and the restoration of normalcy.

As of now, there is no clarity on the timeline. The enumeration work — the actual counting of people — has traditionally been done in February of the Census year, and if the same practice is to be followed, the earliest it can now be done is in February next year.

Ten-year cycle – A constitutional or just a Legal mandate?

A Census is Constitutionally mandated in India. There are repeated references to the Census exercise in the Constitution in the context of reorganisation of constituencies for Parliament and state Assemblies. But the Constitution does not say when the Census has to be carried out, or what the frequency of this exercise should be. The Census of India Act of 1948, which provides the legal framework for carrying out the Census, also does not mention its timing or periodicity.
There is, therefore, no Constitutional or legal requirement that a Census has to be done every 10 years. However, this exercise has been carried out in the first year of every decade, without fail, since 1881. Most other countries also follow the 10-year cycle for their Census. There are countries like Australia that do it every five years.

Census Act, 1948

Although the population Census of India is a major administrative function, the Census Organisation was set up on an ad-hoc basis for each Census till the Census of 1951.
The Census Act, enacted in 1948, then provided for the permanent scheme of conducting population Census with duties and responsibilities of Census Officers.
The Act makes it obligatory on the part of every citizen to answer the Census question truthfully and also penalises for giving false information.
One of the most important provisions of the Census Act 1948 is that it makes provisions for the maintenance of secrecy of the information collected at the Census of each individual. All information collected under the Census is confidential and is not shared with any agency- Government or private.

Authority Involved

The Government of India in May 1949 decided to initiate steps for developing the systematic collection of statistics on the size of the population, its growth, etc.
For this purpose, it established an organisation viz. Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner under Ministry of Home Affairs (which is responsible for conducting the decennial Census).
Later, this office was also entrusted with the responsibility of implementation of Registration of Births and Deaths Act, 1969 in the country.

It is not the legal requirement but the utility of the Census that has made it a permanent regular exercise. The Census produces primary, authentic data that becomes the backbone of every statistical enterprise, informing all planning, administrative and economic decision-making processes. It is the basis on which every social, economic and other indicator is built. Lack of reliable data – 12-year-old data on a constantly changing metric is not reliable – has the potential to upset every indicator on India, and affect the efficacy and efficiency of all kinds of developmental initiatives.

Besides, a break in periodicity results in data that is not comparable in some respects to the earlier sets.

Population censuses are important for several reasons:

Planning and Policy: Census data provides vital information for governments and policymakers to make informed decisions and develop effective plans. It helps in determining the allocation of resources, such as healthcare, education, infrastructure, and social welfare programs, based on the population's needs. Census data assists in identifying demographic trends, population distribution, and changes in population size over time, which guides policy formulation and implementation.
Resource Allocation: Census data helps in the fair distribution of resources. It provides accurate population counts and demographic information, which enable governments to allocate funds and services equitably across different regions and communities. By understanding the population characteristics, governments can identify areas with specific needs and allocate resources accordingly.
Infrastructure Development: Census data aids in infrastructure planning and development. It provides insights into population density, migration patterns, and urbanization trends, which help in determining where new infrastructure, such as roads, schools, hospitals, and utilities, should be built. It assists in efficient urban planning and ensures that infrastructure projects are aligned with the population's requirements.
Economic Analysis: Census data plays a crucial role in economic analysis and decision-making. It provides information on employment, occupation, income levels, and other socioeconomic indicators. Governments, businesses, researchers, and policymakers utilize this data to analyze market trends, assess labor force needs, identify potential investment opportunities, and develop economic policies.
Social Research and Demographic Studies: Census data serves as a valuable resource for social research and demographic studies. Researchers and analysts utilize this data to study population dynamics, social inequalities, migration patterns, family structures, and other demographic characteristics. It helps in understanding societal changes, tracking population trends, and formulating social policies.
Electoral Representation: Census data is utilized for determining electoral boundaries and ensuring fair political representation. It provides information on population distribution, allowing governments to redraw electoral districts to ensure each district has roughly equal populations. This process helps maintain democratic principles by ensuring that each citizen's vote carries equal weight.
Monitoring Progress and Evaluating Policies: Census data provides a baseline for monitoring progress and evaluating the effectiveness of policies and programs. By conducting periodic censuses, governments can compare population data over time and assess the impact of various interventions. It enables policymakers to identify areas where policies have been successful and areas that require further attention.

Overall, population censuses are crucial for informed decision-making, equitable resource allocation, policy formulation, and monitoring societal changes. They provide a comprehensive understanding of the population, facilitating better governance, planning, and development for the benefit of society as a whole.

Challenges faced during conduct of Census in India:

The enormous financial costs of conducting the exercise pose one of the biggest challenges associated with census in poor countries. Conducting a census is widely known to be extremely costly.
Conducting censuses in countries with high illiteracy rates presents a significant obstacle. These nations struggle with large proportions of their populations being illiterates, making the census process more challenging.
Poor infrastructural facilities in certain areas make it very difficult to undertake an efficient population census. Inaccessible or insufficient roads that connect various towns and villages create hurdles for conducting the census exercise.
Census officers encounter serious challenges in underdeveloped parts of the world where traditional and religious beliefs prevail. Traditional beliefs often interfere with the counting process when officers reach these areas.
Corruption adds another layer of complexity to the census process. When corruption occurs during census activities, it becomes difficult to achieve an efficient and accurate population count.
Certain parts of the world suffer from a shortage of census experts. The insufficient number of professionals with the necessary knowledge and experience of conducting a census poses a problem for conducting censuses in these regions.
The success of a census exercise heavily relies on an effective educational campaign. The level of effectiveness of the campaign conducted prior to the census determines the overall success of the census exercise.
Unreliable demographic maps make it challenging for authorities to identify and reach all remote areas, especially very remote regions of the country, for conducting the census exercise.

In conclusion, the population census holds immense importance as a constitutional and administrative function in India. Although not legally required to be conducted every ten years, the census has been consistently carried out since 1881, providing primary and authentic data that serves as the foundation for various statistical endeavors. The census data plays a vital role in planning, policymaking, resource allocation, infrastructure development, economic analysis, social research, electoral representation, and monitoring progress and evaluating policies. By understanding demographic trends and population characteristics, governments can make informed decisions and address the needs of different regions and communities.

However, the conduct of the census in India faces significant challenges, including financial constraints, high illiteracy rates, inadequate infrastructure, traditional beliefs, corruption, a shortage of experts, insufficient educational campaigns, and unreliable demographic maps. Overcoming these challenges is crucial to ensure accurate and reliable data, which forms the basis for effective governance, planning, and development for the betterment of society as a whole.