Context: Recently, Israel’s Finance Minister visited India and signed a Bilateral Investment Agreement (BIA) with India.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Bilateral Investment Agreement (BIA).
Key Features of Bilateral Investment Agreement
Israel has become the first Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) member state with which India has signed a BIA under its new model Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) framework.
Aim: To facilitate reciprocal investments by providing investors from both countries with legal certainty, transparency and protections.
The BIA replaces the earlier investment agreement signed in 1996, which was terminated in 2017.
Significance of Bilateral Investment Agreement:
Groundwork for FTA negotiations: The agreement lays the groundwork for future Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations between India and Israel.
Expected to increase bilateral investments between the two countries, which presently stands at a total of $800 million. Includes provisions to safeguard investments against expropriation, ensure transparency, and enable smooth transfers and compensation for losses.
Protection for investors: Incorporates provisions for independent dispute resolution through arbitration, ensuring that investors have recourse in case of disputes.
Labour mobility: Israel has already hired a large number of Indian blue-collar workers. BIA may further increase avenues for Indian labour mobility.
Balances investor protection with the State’s regulatory rights, preserving sufficient policy space for sovereign governance.
The agreement is expected to strengthen Israeli exports, open new opportunities for both Indian and Israeli investors, and expand trade flows.
Context: India’s recently rationalised the Goods and Services Tax (GST) structure. Among other sectors, GST reforms were announced in the Healthcare segment. The reforms mark a turning point in the journey towards achieving universal health coverage.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Issues relating to development and management of services relating to Health.
GST Reforms in the Healthcare Sector
Rationale: To make medical care more affordable and accessible for millions, especially for individuals struggling with high costs of treatment or health products.
Key Highlights of GST Reforms in the Healthcare Sector:
Removal of GST on Insurance:
Complete removal of GST on individual health and life insurance premiums. Earlier, an 18% GST rate was applied to the health insurance premiums.
The reform covers all types of individual life insurance: Term, Unit Linked Insurance Plan (ULIP), Endowment, health insurance plans such as family floaters and senior citizen policies. Even reinsurance is included.
GST cut on Medicines:
GST on most medicines is lowered to 5%, and tax on life-saving drugs is cut to zero. This simplifies compliance and lowers prices in supply chains for health product manufacturers and service providers.
GST cut on Medical Devices:
Medical devices and diagnostic kits are now largely under a uniform 5% GST slab, from 12% GST or 18% GST earlier. E.g., CT scan machines are now taxed at only 5% compared to 18% earlier. This reduces the procurement costs of devices and would potentially lower patient charges over time.
Common services such as blood tests, X-rays, and MRIs at laboratories may also become a little cheaper.
GST exempt on Critical Care Units (unchanged):
All critical care units i.e., Intensive Coronary Care Unit (ICU), Critical Care Unit (CCU), Intensive Coronary Care Unit (ICCU), and Neonatal Intensive Care Unit (NICU) are fully exempt from GST regardless of cost. This ensures that lifesaving care remains tax-free.
Non-intensive care unit (ICU) rooms above ₹5,000 per day would attract 5% GST without input tax credit.
GST exempt on Core Medical Services (unchanged):
Core medical services provided by hospitals, doctors, and paramedics remain GST-exempt, keeping treatment itself untaxed.
Push towards Preventive Healthcare:
GST on gymnasiums, fitness centres, yoga studios, salons, barbers and wellness services is down from 18% to 5%.
Cigarettes remain heavily taxed at 28% GST plus compensation cess, which adds up to an effective tax of between 52% and 88%.
A new 40% sin goods slab has been announced but will only apply once cess liabilities are cleared.
Sugary drinks (whether aerated, sweetened, or flavoured) have been moved to the new 40% slab, up from 28% plus cess, to discourage consumption.
Significance:
Increase insurance coverage: Insurance coverage in India is only ~3.7% of GDP at present, compared to a global average of 6.8%. However, clear monitoring is required to ensure insurance providers pass on the GST benefit to the consumers.
Reduce OOPE: Share of Out-of-Pocket Expenditure (OOPE) in Total Health Expenditure was around 47% in FY20. Cutting costs for life-saving medicines, simplifying taxes on equipment, and lowering rates on preventive services supports the entire health-care chain and would reduce OOPE.
Context: India and China have renewed diplomatic activity such as border patrol agreements, resumption of direct flights and efforts to expand trade and cultural exchanges.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: India - China bilateral relations.
India-China border is un-demarcated and is referred to as the Line of Actual Control (LAC). The border length is around 3,488 km as per India, while China claims it to be about 2,000 km. The different interpretations by the two countries leads to frequent disputes.
The border is divided into three main sectors
Western Sector (Ladakh, ~1597 km): Aksai Chin (~38,000 sq. km) under Chinese occupation, and China also controls Shaksgam Valley ceded by Pakistan in 1963.
Middle Sector (Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand, ~545 km) which is the least disputed, though differences exist near the Barahoti plains.
Eastern Sector (Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim, ~1346 km) where China claims about 90,000 sq. km of Arunachal Pradesh as “South Tibet,” while the Sikkim boundary is formally settled but still faces PLA activity.
India-China Border Dispute
Historically, the 1914 Simla Agreement drew the McMahon Line between British India and Tibet, but China rejected it.
China occupied Tibet in 1950 and built a road in Aksai Chin in the 1950s.
The 1962 India-China war resulted in India’s defeat, with China retaining Aksai Chin and withdrawing from its advances in Arunachal Pradesh, leaving the boundary issue unresolved. India-China relations after the 1962 war remained tense, with little progress on the boundary dispute.
In 1988, Rajiv Gandhi’s visit to Beijing marked a turning point, as it re-opened dialogue after decades of mistrust.
However, political instability in India (1989-1991) slowed progress until P.V. Narasimha Rao’s government (1991-1996) was able to re-focus on China.
Initial Steps (1988-1992):
Between 1988 and 1993, six rounds of talks of the Joint Working Group (JWG) were held.
The dialogue included both diplomats and military commanders, with first meetings at Bum La (eastern sector) and Chushul/Moldo (western sector) in 1992.
Border trade resumed in 1992 after a gap of over 30 years, and consulates were re-opened in Mumbai and Shanghai in December 1992.
Border Peace and Tranquillity Agreement (BPTA), 1993:
Signed during Prime Minister Narasimha Rao’s visit to Beijing in September 1993.
Core Principle: The boundary dispute would be resolved peacefully, and neither side would use or threaten force.
The Agreement recognised the Line of Actual Control (LAC) for the first time in an official bilateral document. Both sides agreed :
Not to cross the LAC; if intrusions occurred, forces would withdraw upon caution.
To jointly check and determine contested segments of the LAC.
To maintain minimal force levels along the LAC and reduce them on the principle of mutual and equal security.
To freeze the military situation, acknowledging India’s geographic disadvantage compared to China’s easy access through the Tibetan plateau.
The agreement emphasised setting aside the boundary dispute to build cooperation in other areas.
1996 Agreement on Confidence-Building Measures:
Signed during Chinese President Jiang Zemin’s visit to India in 1996.
Expanded upon the 1993 BPTA by specifying military confidence-building measures (CBMs).
Both sides agreed :
Not to use force and to continue peaceful consultations.
To reduce or limit military forces and heavy weaponry (tanks, artillery, missiles) in border areas.
To avoid large-scale military exercises near the LAC; if held, exercises would be directed away from the other side.
Article X: Stressed the need for a common understanding of the LAC alignment. Both sides committed to exchange maps for clarification and confirmation.
Challenge of LAC Clarification
In 2000, both sides exchanged maps of the relatively undisputed Central sector.
In 2002, maps of the western sector were exchanged, but were rejected within minutes as they represented maximalist positions of both sides.
By 2005, efforts to clarify the LAC were abandoned.
Key contested areas included: Samar Langpa, Trig Heights, Depsang, Kong Ka La, Pangong Tso, Spanggur Gap, Mount Sajun, Dumchele, Demchok, and Chumar. These same areas became flashpoints in later standoffs, including in 2020.
The 1993 and 1996 agreements marked important milestones in institutionalising peace and stability along the border. However, the failure to define and clarify the LAC meant that the agreements could only postpone and not prevent future confrontations.
The failure to achieve a mutually accepted definition of the Line of Actual Control left the core dispute unresolved making subsequent tensions and face-offs inevitable.
Context: Recently, Nepal witnessed a violent youth-led movement dominated by a generation known as ‘Gen Z’. It is the largest anti-establishment uprising since the abolition of monarchy in 2008.
Nepal’s President has appointed former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as the country’s new Prime Minister and dissolved Parliament. He announced fresh elections on March 5, 2026.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: India and its Neighbourhood: Crisis in Nepal & its Implications on India.
Gen Z Protests in Nepal
Youth-led movement dominated by those born between 1996 and 2012, a generation known as “Generation Z”, frustrated with corruption, nepotism, unemployment, and political dysfunction.
The protest began after the government banned 26 social media platforms in August 2025, cutting off their main space for expression and mobilisation.
The situation escalated when several protestors in Kathmandu were killed by police firing, turning a demand for digital freedom into a nationwide anti-establishment uprising.
Enraged youth set fire to government buildings, vandalised the homes of former Prime Ministers, attacked ministers, and even freed political prisoners from Central Jail.
Causes of the Protests?
Unfulfilled promise of 2008 Republic: Wave of discontent against geriatric and nepotistic leadership that ran Nepal with 17 different prime ministerships in the last 20 years. The governance has remained weak, unstable, and unresponsive.
Corruption and Nepotism: Anger against entrenched political elites and their children’s lavish lifestyles while ordinary citizens face unemployment and poverty due to economic stagnation.
Youth Disillusionment: Nepal has one of the world’s youngest populations (median age 25). Youth face high unemployment, lack of opportunities, and widespread inequality.
Ban of Social Media Platforms: The government’s ban on 26 social media platforms (Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram, X, YouTube) cut off Gen Z’s primary space for political expression.
State Violence: The killing of protesters by security forces was the tipping point that transformed peaceful dissent into nationwide outrage.
Nature of the Protests:
Leaderless Mobilisation: Unlike the Jana Andolans of 1990 and 2006, the movement lacked structured leadership or clear political objectives.
Spontaneous and Digital-Driven: Mobilisation was initially through social media pages such as Next Generation Nepal.
Nihilistic Rage: Protesters attacked homes of five former Prime Ministers, vandalised state institutions, and freed political prisoners, showing an anti-establishment thrust rather than specific reform demands.
Urban-Centric but Spreading: While centred in Kathmandu, protests spread to other cities, reflecting nationwide disillusionment.
As protests turned violent, the Prime Minister of Nepal resigned, while the President remained absent deepening the leadership vacuum. In response, the Army was deployed to restore order.
Implications of the Gen Z Protests in Nepal:
Delegitimisation of Political Elites: Attacks on the homes of former Prime Ministers and ministers reflected a collapse of public trust in traditional parties and leaders.
Expansion of Military Role: The Army’s takeover of security functions raises concerns about potential military influence in political decision-making.
Emergence of New Political Voices: The protests weakened trust in established political parties and created space for new leaders. At the same time, pro-monarchy groups tried to use the unrest to push for a return of the old order.
Regional and Economic Impact: Instability threatens Nepal’s economy, deters investment and tourism, and poses security and diplomatic challenges for India and South Asia.
Implications for India:
Border Management and Security: Political instability in Nepal poses risks of refugee inflows, illegal activities, and cross-border crime across the open India-Nepal border.
Strategic Competition: Prolonged chaos could allow China or other external actors to expand their influence in Nepal, challenging India’s traditional strategic space.
Economic Disruptions: Instability undermines India’s trade and investment in Nepal, including energy, infrastructure, and hydropower projects.
India must focus its attention on supporting a crucial transition towards a new, more democratic and developed Nepal.
Context: The Chief Minister of Bengal reiterated her demand for the establishment of an Indo-Bhutan River Commissionwith West Bengal as one of its members.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Issues in Centre-State relations.
Need for Indo-Bhutan River Commission
In north Bengal, especially in the districts Jalpaiguri and Alipurduar, around 72 rivers and streams descend from Bhutan. They include some prominent riverslike Jaldhaka, Torsha, Raidak and Sankosh.
During the monsoons these rivers spill over the banks and cause flood like situation in Bengal, particularly if it rains in the upper catchments of these rivers in Bhutan.
The rivers flood and erode tea estates, forests, and human habitats.
Huge sediments are deposited on the banks of these rivers, which compound the problems in these districts.
Bengal has low-lying deltaic plains surrounded by rivers which resembles a “boat-like basin”. The Ganga river in Bengal remains swollen due to inflows from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, thus limiting the water absorption capacity and aggravating the situation.
Stand of Central Government
The Union Ministry of Jal Shakti has clarified that there are no plans to constitute a joint river commission with Bhutan.
Bilateral mechanisms between India and Bhutan already exist to address flood-related concerns.
Joint teams and groups have been formed for flood management and forecasting of floods caused by the rivers which enter India from Bhutan.
There are 36 hydro-meteorological stations in Bhutan at the catchments of the trans-border rivers, and the central water commission gets regular data for flood forecasting.
The issue reflects the larger Centre-State tension in India’s federal framework, where the state perceives political bias in the distribution of central resources for disaster relief and infrastructure.
Context: In September 2025, Himachal Pradesh was declared ‘fully literate’. It became the fifth state/UT in India to achieve this milestone after Goa, Ladakh, Mizoram, and Tripura.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Government initiatives/schemes to promote literacy; State of literacy in India.
What does Fully Literate Mean?
The Ministry of Education defines literacy asthe ability to read, write, and compute with comprehension i.e., to identify, understand, interpret and create, along with critical life skills such as digital literacy, financial literacy etc.
A state/UT is considered “fully literate” once it achieves 95% literacy.
Himachal Pradesh has achieved a literacy rate of 99.3%, qualifying it for the tag.
The declaration is part of the ULLAS (Understanding Lifelong Learning for All in Society) programme launched in 2022 to achieve 100% literacy by 2030.
What is the ULLAS Programme?
ULLAS (Understanding Lifelong Learning for All in Society) is a literacy programme for people over 15 years of age who may not have attended school.
It was launched in 2022 with the aim of achieving 100% literacy by 2030, which is one the 17 Sustainable Development Goals of the United Nations.
The program is also in line with the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 which calls for adult education initiatives to achieve 100% literacy.
How does someone attain literacy?
Under the ULLAS program, adult learners are taught basic reading, writing, and math (arithmetic like addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division) that a child in school would learn up to class 3.
They are also taught how to read and measure time, make sense of calendars, use currency notes, write cheques, and safely make digital transactions.
This training is provided either through a mobile App or offline, by students or community volunteers.
After that, the Functional Literacy Numeracy Assessment Test (FLNAT), a 150-mark reading, writing and numeracy test, is administered in a person’s chosen language.
On passing the test, the learner is certified by the National Institute of Open Schooling (NIOS) as having acquired foundational literacy and numeracy
To learn who requires training under the ULLAS program, states conduct door-to-door surveys, or rely on other data. Those identified as not being literate are given requisite training and administered the FLNAT.
State of Literacy in India
Census 2011:
In the 2011 Census, any person aged 7 years and above who could read and write with understanding in any language was considered literate.
As per this Census, the literacy rate among women was 64.6%, while among men it was 80.9%.
The Census also measured adult literacy, defined for those aged 15 years and above, and found the national figure to be 69.3%.
National Sample Survey (NSS) 71st round:
The National Sample Survey (NSS) 71st round (January-June 2014) showed an adult literacy rate of 71% for India.
Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2023-24:
PLFS 2023-24 reported a national literacy rate of 77.5% for the population aged 7 years and above.
As per PLFS, 22.3% of people in India aged 15 and above were not literate.
Among the states and UTs, the highest proportion of illiterate adults was in Bihar (33.1%), followed by Andhra Pradesh (31.5%) and Madhya Pradesh.
Context: Recently, Ethiopia has inaugurated the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, Africa’s biggest dam, despite protest from downstream Egypt.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Key facts about Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam.
Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam
Africa’s largest hydroelectric project (largest dam by power capacity).
GERD is built on Blue Nile (spreads over 2 kms), a tributary of the River Nile.
Location: Benishangul-Gumuz Region of Ethiopia, near the Sudanese border.
Height: 145 m. It is designed to hold 74 billion cubic metres of water and generate 5150 megawatts (~5 GW) of electricity.
Construction began in 2011, and completed in 2025.
Significance: Electricity generation; Ethiopia can earn revenue by electricity export to neighbouring countries.
Associated Concerns
Threat to water security: Downstream countries like Egypt (dependent on the Nile for 97% of its water),and Sudan fear that the dam would adversely impact agriculture and undermine water supplies.
Risk of Military confrontation: Successive Egyptian presidents have even threatened military action if an agreement is not reached between the countries on fair water usage.
Key facts about Nile River:
The Nile is the longest river in the world. It rises south of the Equator and flows northwards through north-eastern Africa to drain into the Mediterranean Sea.
Length: ~6650 kms
The Nile has two major tributaries:
White Nile: begins at Lake Victoria and flows through Uganda and South Sudan.
Blue Nile: begins at Lake Tana in Ethiopia and flows into Sudan from the southeast.
The two rivers meet at the Sudanese capital (Khartoum).
The Nile River basin spreads in 11 African countries: Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, South Sudan, Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda.
Context: In recent years, the concepts of strategic autonomy and multipolarity have become central to India’s foreign policy discourse.
Relevance of the Topic : Mains: India’s pursuit of Strategic Autonomy: Opportunities and Challenges
Meaning of Strategic Autonomy:
Strategic autonomy refers to a nation’s ability to make sovereign decisions in foreign policy and defence without being constrained by external pressures or alliance obligations.
It does not mean isolationism or neutrality but implies flexibility, independence, and the capacity to engage with multiple powers on one’s own terms.
From non-alignment policy during the Cold War to present-day multi-alignment, strategic autonomy has remained the guiding thread of Indian diplomacy.
Meaning of Multipolarity:
Multipolarity refers to a world order where several states possess roughly comparable levels of power, as opposed to unipolarity (one superpower) or bipolarity (two dominant powers).
India has long sought multipolarity hoping it would ensure greater fluidity and options in external relations.
Scholars have cautioned that multipolar systems are less stable than bipolar ones, as multiple great powers lead to unpredictable alliances and constant recalibration of interests.
India’s Practice of Strategic Autonomy in a Multipolar World:
Relations with the United States:
India participates with the US in initiatives such as the Quad, Indo-Pacific dialogues, I2U2, and the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).
The friction exists as seen in Trump-era tariffs and the pressure on India to reduce energy and defence links with Russia.
India has responded by maintaining engagement with the US, while asserting its right to pursue independent positions. This is an example of strategic autonomy in practice.
Relations with China:
China is India’s biggest trading partner but also its primary security challenge. The 2020 border clashes widened the existing fault-lines, yet India has engaged with China in BRICS and SCO.
Strategic autonomy means resisting both confrontation and capitulation (surrender). India balances deterrence through Indo-Pacific partnerships with cautious dialogue.
Relations with Russia:
India’s relationship with Russia is rooted in Cold War solidarity, defence cooperation, and shared strategic interests.
Despite Russia’s growing alignment with China and its global isolation after the Ukraine war, India continues to buy oil, import defence equipment, and engage diplomatically.
India faces Western criticism but upholds its independent stand, treating the partnership as multidimensional. Strategic autonomy means diversifying partnerships without abandoning old allies.
Challenges of Multipolarity for India:
Uncertainty and Risk of Isolation: In a multipolar world, multiple big powers constantly shift their alliances and policies. Multi-alignment sounds positive in theory, but in practice they may leave India alone in times of crisis, since no power can be fully relied upon.
Weakening of Multilateralism: India hoped multipolarity would strengthen global rules and institutions. Instead, many countries are acting unilaterally or making transactional deals, reducing the effectiveness of multilateral forums.
Secondary Power Status: In the emerging multipolar world, India is still behind the US and China in terms of economic and military power. This reduces its ability to influence major global decisions.
Economic and Technological Dependence: India depends on other major powers for defence equipment, advanced technology, energy, and supply chains. This dependence limits the extent of true autonomy.
Opportunities for India:
Strategic autonomy allows India to engage flexibly with multiple powers without rigid bloc politics.
Multipolarity provides India space to assert itself as an independent pole in the Global South, championing issues like development, climate change, and equitable trade.
India’s balancing role between the West, Russia, and China enhances its diplomatic importance.
The pursuit of indigenous defence production, digital sovereignty, and economic resilience strengthens India’s long-term autonomy.
Way Forward
India must invest in economic growth, technological advancement, and defence modernisation to underpin genuine autonomy.
Strategic partnerships should be pursued without dependence, ensuring resilience against sudden shifts in global alignments.
Multilateral institutions should be strengthened.
Autonomy must extend beyond traditional military and diplomatic domains to include data sovereignty, digital infrastructure, and critical supply chains.
India should continue to project itself as the “voice of the Global South,” balancing great power rivalries while asserting its independent agency.
India’s pursuit of strategic autonomy in a multipolar world would involve building economic and technological strength, diversifying partnerships, and asserting its role as an independent pole in global affairs.
Context: Mr. CP Radhakrishnan has been elected as the 15th Vice President of India.
Relevance of the Topic:Prelims: Key facts about the office of Vice President of India.
Vice President of India
The Vice-President occupies the second highest office in the country (next the President of India). This office is modelled on the lines of the American Vice-President.
Article 63 provides that there shall be a Vice-President of India.
Tenure: Five years. He can be re-elected any number of times.
Election of Vice President:
The Vice-President is elected by the method of indirect election. He is elected by the members of an electoral college consisting of the members of both Houses of Parliament.
This electoral college:
Consists of both elected and nominated members of the Parliament (in the case of the President, only elected members).
Does not include the members of the state legislative assemblies (in the case of the President, the elected members of the state legislative assemblies are included).
Qualifications for Election as Vice-President:
The candidate should fulfil the following qualifications:
He should be a citizen of India.
He should have completed 35 years of age.
He should be qualified for election as a member of the Rajya Sabha.
He should not hold any office of profit under the Union government or any state government or any local authority or any other public authority.
Conditions of Office:
He should not be a member of either House of Parliament or a House of the state legislature.
He should not hold any other office of profit.
Note: A sitting President or Vice-President of the Union, Governor of any state and a Minister for the Union or any State is not deemed to hold any office of profit, and hence qualified for being a candidate for Vice-President.
Method of Voting
The nomination of a candidate for election to the office of Vice-President must be subscribed by at least 20 electors as proposers and 20 electors as seconders.
Voting is held in Parliament House in New Delhi by secret ballot, using the system of proportional representation with a single transferable vote.
Each Member of Parliament (MP) casts a vote by ranking candidates in order of preference. All votes carry equal value.
To be declared elected, a candidate must reach a required minimum number of votes- called the quota. This is calculated by dividing the total number of valid votes by two and adding one (fractions, if any, are ignored).
If no candidate crosses the quota in the first round, the one with the fewest first-preference votes is eliminated, and their votes are transferred to the remaining candidates based on second preferences. The process continues until one candidate crosses the quota.
Removal of Vice President
Resignation: He can resign from his office by addressing the resignation to the President.
Removal before completion of his term: Formal impeachment is not required for his removal. He can be removed by a resolution passed by a majority of all the then members of the Rajya Sabha and agreed to by the Lok Sabha.
The resolution should be passed in the Rajya Sabha by an effective majority and in the Lok Sabha by a simple majority.
The resolution can be introduced only in the Rajya Sabha and not in the Lok Sabha.
No such resolution can be moved unless at least 14 days' advance notice has been given.
No ground has been mentioned in the Constitution for his/her removal.
Powers and Functions of the Vice-President
He acts as the ex-officio Chairman of Rajya Sabha. In this capacity, his powers and functions are similar to those of the Speaker of Lok Sabha.
He acts as President when a vacancy occurs in the office of the President due to his resignation, impeachment, death or otherwise.
He can act as President only for a maximum period of 6 months within which a new President has to be elected.
While discharging the functions of President, the Vice-President does not perform the duties of the office of the chairman of Rajya Sabha.
Context: The Ministry of Tribal Affairs (MoTA) has requested the Registrar General and Census Commissioner of India (RGI) to consider enumerating particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PVTGs) separately in the upcoming Census.
Relevance of the Topic:Prelims: Key facts about Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups. Mains: Challenges faced by PVTGs & significance of Separate Enumeration.
Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups
PVTGs are a sub-category of Scheduled Tribes (STs) created based on the recommendations of the Dhebar Commission (1960-61) which had investigated the various issues faced by STs, and in consultation with state governments.
The Commission identified the disparity in socio-economic and living conditions between different tribal groups, and said that some tribal groups were more vulnerable than others. They are characterised by:
either a declining or stagnant population
geographical isolation
use of pre-agrarian practices (such as hunting and gathering)
economic backwardness
relatively low literacy
75 PTVGs have been identified across the country, spread over 18 states and 1 Union Territory (Andaman & Nicobar). Among the 75 listed PVTGs, the highest number are found in Odisha (13), followed by Andhra Pradesh (12).
Challenges Faced by PVTGs:
Outdated List: Baseline survey has not been conducted in States and UT’s which is impacting the implementation of welfare programmes designed for PVTGs. Moreover, regular census does not comprehensively capture data of PVTGs. The criteria for identifying PVTGs is questionable, especially the marker of geographical isolation.
Land Alienation: A mounting pressure from external groups who seize their lands for various purposes such as mining, industrialisation, and other uses, leading to the displacement and forfeiture of traditional livelihoods for numerous PVTGs.
Lack of Access to basic services: Due to a dearth of infrastructure and resources in their remote regions, as well as discriminatory and neglectful treatment by government officials, PVTGs frequently encounter impediments to obtaining basic amenities such as healthcare, education, and clean water.
Exploitation: PVTGs are often subject to exploitation and discrimination by more powerful groups, including non-tribal populations and the government. They are often denied their rights to resources, participation in decision-making processes, and representation in government bodies.
Socio-Cultural: PVTGs have a unique culture and way of life, but they are increasingly under threat of assimilation into mainstream society. This is due to factors like education, urbanisation, and migration, which can erode traditional knowledge and practices. Impact of
Climate Change: PVTGs are particularly vulnerable to the effects of climate change, which can impact their livelihoods and access to natural resources. This includes changes in rainfall patterns, rising temperatures, and increased frequency of natural disasters like floods and droughts.
Way Forward
Conducting a Baseline Survey: A comprehensive survey should be conducted to identify PVTGs living in different parts of the country to capture critical information about PVTGs, such as their population size, geographical location, economic conditions, social and cultural practices, and access to basic amenities like health care, education, and livelihood opportunities.
Developing a Vulnerability Index: A vulnerability index should be developed for each PVTG based on factors such as health, education, livelihood, and social protection, among others. It will enable policymakers to tailor interventions that are targeted and effective.
Rights-based Approach: Suitable measures should be taken for protection and promotion of their rights (especially to their land rights and customary habitats). Strict controls need to be imposed so that no development can take place on PVTGs land and habitats without their free, prior, and informed consent.
Livelihood strategies: Development of livelihood strategies for PVTGs should factor in their often nomadic lifestyle and their unique skills and indigenous knowledge. Focus should be on conservation and enhancement of their traditional skills. E.g., Todas in dairy and horticulture.
Governance: There is a need to develop a comprehensive framework to assist the PVTGs in a manner that empowers them to determine their own development path at their own pace.
Service Delivery: Service providers need to be well incentivised to perform their duties and remain stationed in the areas where PVTGs reside. Residential clusters should be created where government officials of different categories and different departments can be accommodated.
Accountability Mechanism for officials: Ensure the accountability of government officials working in the areas of PVTGs.
Significance of Separate Enumeration of PVTGs
PVTGs have never been enumerated separately in any census, till date.
Separate Enumeration of PVTGs would accurately capture the number of PVTG households, individuals, and their distinctive demographic, cultural and socio-economic features, and issues.
Such information would help in the better implementation of targeted schemes for PVTGs, such as the Pradhan Mantri Janjati Adivasi Nyay Maha Abhiyan (PM JANMAN), and other government schemes, especially in health and education. It will help in understanding if the PVTG classification criteria is still relevant.
Context: The Supreme Court has directed the Union government to frame guidelines to regulate conduct on social media. The SC noted that influencers often commercialise free speech in ways that may offend the sentiments of vulnerable groups.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Freedom of Speech and Expression in Digital Era.
Form Guidelines to regulate Conduct on Social Media: SC
The guidelines to regulate conduct on social media, including online shows such as podcasts, should be framed in consultation with the National Broadcasters and Digital Association.
Rationale: To balance free speech with the equally important right of varied communities to live in society with dignity, and sensitisation of social media users.
Article 19 of Indian Constitution: Right to Free Speech & Expression
Article 19 outlines the fundamental rights of Indian citizens related to freedom of speech and expression.
When can limits be imposed on Free Speech?
Article 19(2) specifies the grounds for reasonable restrictions on Article 19. These include:
Sovereignty and integrity of India
Security of the State
Friendly relations with foreign states
Public order
Decency or Morality
Contempt of Court
Defamation
Incitement to an offence
However, the Supreme Court has consistently held that the state cannot impose restrictions beyond these constitutionally prescribed limits.
Regulation of Commercial Speech:
The Supreme Court’s jurisprudence has consistently recognised that even commercial speech falls within the ambit of Article 19(1)(a).
Sakal Papers v. Union of India (1962):
The government sought to limit the number of pages a newspaper could publish. The SC struck this down as unconstitutional as such a measure curtailed both the dissemination of news and the circulation of newspapers.
It affirmed that the freedom to publish any number of pages and to reach as many readers as possible is an essential component of the right to free speech under Article 19(1)(a). The same logic extends to other forms of expression.
Tata Press Ltd. v. MTNL (1995): The SC ruled that advertising, as a form of commercial speech, also comes under the ambit of freedom of speech and expression Article 19(1)(a).
The fact that speech is commercial or perceived to be driven by profit cannot in itself justify its regulation.
Associated Criticism and Concerns:
1. Legal Mechanisms for Prosecution already Exist:
Digital media is already governed by a robust statutory framework. Social media companies are bound by the IT (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 under the IT Act, 2000 which require them to prevent their platforms from being used to disseminate obscene, pornographic, or otherwise harmful content.
The IT Act 2000 further establishes a censorship framework that permits the removal of online content pursuant to court orders or executive directions.
Social media influencers can be held accountable for what they say online under the ordinary criminal law. The existing takedown regime under Section 69A of the IT Act and the Blocking Rules, 2009, is already opaque. Aggrieved individuals are often not given notice before their content is removed.
In practice, the legal mechanisms are frequently invoked without adequate adherence to principles of natural justice. Thus, the court’s apprehension appears misplaced.
2. Reasonable Restrictions already exist under Article 19(2):
The reasonable restrictions on free speech under Article 19(2) of the Constitution are already exhaustive. The SC has consistently held that the state cannot impose restrictions beyond these constitutionally prescribed limits. Any additional regulation could impinge upon the fundamental right to freedom of expression.
3. Framing legal definition of Dignity and risk of Expansive Censorship:
Reasonable restrictions on free speech under Article 19(2) do not include the protection of individual dignity. But, it is challenging to legally define the amorphous concept such as dignity.
To treat dignity as an independent ground for restricting speech, particularly when invoked on the basis of individual sensibilities, risks inviting expansive censorship. Such regulations are likely to exert a chilling effect on speech.
Associated Court Cases:
Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015):
The SC struck down Section 66A of the Information Technology (IT) Act, 2000, holding that vague grounds such as “annoyance,” “insult,” or “hatred” cannot justify the criminalisation of speech.
The ruling affirmed that speech which “offends, shocks, or disturbs” remains constitutionally protected, and restrictions on free speech must satisfy the test of reasonableness under Article 19(2).
Rehana Fathima case (2021): The Supreme Court overturned a Kerala High Court order that prohibited activist Rehana Fathima from posting her views on social media, citing free speech concerns.
Mohammed Zubair’s bail case (2021): The Uttar Pradesh government sought to ban Alt News co-founder Mohammed Zubair from tweeting while he was out on bail. The SC rejected the request holding that such restrictions would create a "chilling effect" on free speech. The restriction was an unjustified violation of his right to practice his profession.
Kaushal Kishore v. State of Uttar Pradesh (2023): The Constitution Bench held that the grounds enumerated in Article 19(2) are exhaustive and cannot be expanded, however well-intentioned the attempt. The judges underscored that no one can either be taxed or penalised for holding an opinion which is not in conformity with the constitutional values.
Imran Pratapgadhi Case (2025): The SC emphasised that Article 19(1)(a) protects not only agreeable speech but also views that may offend or disturb. It remains the court’s “duty to uphold” and “zealously protect” the fundamental freedom to free speech guaranteed under Article 19(1)(a).
Arguments in Favour of Comprehensive Guidelines:
Uphold dignity and do complete justice: The concerns regarding the participation of differently-abled persons in public life and the preservation of their dignity are legitimate. The SC possesses inherent jurisdiction under the Constitution to do “complete justice” to account for the wider social ramifications of online speech.
In the Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India (2016), the SC upheld the constitutionality of criminal defamation, recognising individual dignity as one of the bases for sustaining the remedy.
However, any limitation on the freedom of speech and expression must be imposed through a duly enacted law, and such restrictions must also withstand the test of proportionality.
Context: The Supreme Court has directed the Election Commission to include Aadhaar as the 12th “indicative” document, in addition to the 11 documents permitted for identification in order to be included in the final electoral roll during the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) in Bihar ahead of Assembly elections.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Key developments: SIR controversy in Bihar.
Accept Aadhaar as Identity Proof: SC
The SC has directed the EC to accept Aadhaar as a valid proof of identity or residence from persons filing claims or objections to final electoral roll during the SIR.
The bench clarified that the use of Aadhaar would strictly be as proof of identity, and not as evidence of Indian citizenship.
The authorities concerned should verify the genuineness of Aadhaar cards, just the way they would do in the case of the other 11 documents.
SIR controversy in Bihar: Expulsion of Voters
The SIR's findings reduced the total number of registered voters in Bihar from 7.89 crore prior to the exercise to 7.24 crore after conducting it. Approximately 65 lakh voters were excluded from the draft rolls published on August 1.
The deadline for filing claims to include names and file objections to exclude names for reasons such as death, permanent shifting, and duplication, was September 1.
The EC has clarified that the claims and objections were welcome even beyond the deadline.
