Current Affairs

Centre and Manipur ink Peace Pact with Kuki-Zo groups

Context: Recently, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs and the Manipur state government signed a revised Suspension of Operations (SoO) pact with 24 Kuki-Zo insurgent groups under the Kuki National Organisation (KNO) and the United People’s Front (UPF).

Relevance of the Topic: Prelims & Mains: Key features of Peace Pact between Centre, Manipur Government and Kuki-Zo Groups. 

Suspension of Operations (SoO) Pact

  • The SoO pact was first signed in 2008 after the violent Kuki-Naga clashes of the 1990s.
  • Under the original pact, around 2200 cadres of KNO and UPF were moved into designated camps, received a stipend of ₹6,000/month, and agreed to suspend operations against the State and Union forces.
  • The pact was extended annually until February 29, 2024, when the Manipur Government refused renewal of the pact citing violations of ground rules and accusing SoO groups of instigating the 2023 ethnic violence in Manipur.

Key Provisions of the 2025 Revised SoO Pact

  • Verification of cadres will be carried out by security forces, and a complete list of cadres with name, date of birth, Aadhaar, and latest photographs will be prepared by the Government.
  • Foreign nationals (particularly from Myanmar’s Chin-Kuki community) if found among the cadres will be removed from the list and deported.
  • The number of designated camps will be reduced from 14 to 12 (6 for KNO and 6 for UPF), and these camps will not be located near highways, populated areas, conflict-prone zones, the Myanmar border, or inter-state boundaries.
  • Weapons belonging to cadres will be stored in the nearest CRPF or BSF camps rather than in the insurgent-run camps.
  • Stipends for cadres will resume but will only be paid through Aadhaar-linked bank accounts and only for those physically present in the camps during inspections.
  • The Manipur Police will issue photo identity cards to all cadres to facilitate proper monitoring.
  • The Kuki-Zo Council (KZC) has agreed to open National Highway-2 (Imphal-Dimapur) a critical supply route for the Imphal Valley for free movement of commuters and goods.
  • A Joint Monitoring Group (JMG) headed by the Principal Secretary (Home) of Manipur will monitor implementation, conduct physical verification, and deal firmly with violations.
  • The pact mandates that KNO and UPF must abjure violence, abide by the Constitution of India and the territorial integrity of Manipur, and not maintain links with other armed groups.
  • The agreement bars insurgent groups from recruiting new cadres, carrying out offensive operations, or associating with domestic or foreign armed groups.
  • The Army, Assam Rifles, CAPFs, and State Police will not launch operations against these groups as long as they abide by the pact.
  • The pact provides for a tripartite political dialogue among the Centre, Manipur Government, and KNO/UPF to work towards a negotiated political settlement within the Constitution of India.

Significance: 

  • The pact represents a renewed attempt at peace-building after the collapse of the agreement in 2024.
  • It reaffirms the territorial integrity of Manipur, addressing concerns of the Meitei community.
  • It acknowledges the Kuki-Zo demand for a political settlement, but strictly within the framework of the Indian Constitution.
  • The opening of NH-2 restores the economic lifeline and ensures supply of essential commodities to the Imphal Valley.
  • The relocation of camps away from sensitive areas reduces the possibility of renewed violence and enhances civilian security.

Challenges: 

  • Trust deficit remains between communities: Meiteis accuse Kuki groups of fuelling the 2023 violence, while Kukis distrust the State Government.
  • The phrase “negotiated political settlement within the Constitution of India” is ambiguous and may be interpreted differently by the parties.
  • Implementation difficulties exist in verifying cadres, relocating camps, and deporting foreign nationals from Myanmar.
  • The temporary nature of the pact (valid for one year) means long-term peace remains uncertain.

The Coordinating Committee on Manipur Integrity (COCOMI), one of the largest Meitei civil society groups in Manipur, has rejected the signing of Suspension of Operations (SoO) pact with the Kuki-Zo insurgent groups. 

Also Read: What Manipur Needs?

CEREBO: Portable Device for Brain Injury Detection

Context: Indian Council of Medical Research (ICMR) and partner institutes have developed CEREBO, a hand-held, non-invasive indigenous diagnostic device for rapid detection of Traumatic Brain Injuries (TBIs). 

Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: About CEREBO. 

image 21

Key Features of CEREBO

  • CEREBO is a novel hand-held, portable, non-invasive diagnostic device designed for the detection of Traumatic Brain Injuries (TBIs). 
  • It utilises advanced near-infrared spectroscopy combined with machine learning to detect intracranial bleeding and brain swelling within one minute.

Benefits of CEREBO: 

  • Can be used by paramedic staff as well as unskilled personnel. 
  • Provides colour-coded, radiation-free results, making it safe for infants and pregnant women.
  • Cost-effective (reduces imaging costs) as compared to conventional imaging tools. 
  • Offers an emergency diagnostic option when advanced tools like CT or MRI scans are inaccessible or delayed. Can be deployed in ambulances, rural clinics, military healthcare systems and disaster response units.
  • Enhances early detection of TBI and improves patient outcomes.
  • Reduces dependence on expensive, imported diagnostic tools. 

Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI)

  • TBI is a condition caused by sudden trauma or injury to the head, which disrupts normal brain function. The injury may range from mild (concussion) to severe, often leading to long-term physical, cognitive, emotional, and behavioural impairments.
  • Nearly 1.5-2 million persons are injured every year and one million die annually in India due to TBIs. Road traffic injuries (60%) are the leading cause, followed by falls and violence. 

Onam: Kerala’s Harvest Festival

Context: Recently, Onam, the significant harvest festival of Kerala, was celebrated with grandeur and devotion. 

Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Key facts about Onam. 

image 28

About Onam

  • Onam is a ten-day festival celebrated to honour the return of the legendary King Mahabali to Earth (once a year) to visit his people. 
  • The festival also signifies the end of the monsoon and the start of the harvest season.

Rituals and Celebrations:

  • People worship King Mahabali and Lord Vamana and pray for the health and longevity of their close ones. On Thiruvonam (the last day of the festival), King Mahabali visits the earth. 
  • Onam is observed with a range of traditional dance performances such as:
    • Thiruvathira Kali (Kaikottikali dance)
    • Pulikali (tiger dance)
    • Kathakali dance
  • Onam Sadya (a platter of traditional local cuisine) is prepared and served to family members and guests. 
  • Pookalams (intricate flower designs) are made in households across the state.  stunning Snake Boat Race, and unique Kaikottikali dance. 
  • On the Pamba River, the renowned Aranmula Vallamkali (snake boat race competition) is organised.

Why are India, Afghanistan and Pakistan vulnerable to deadly Earthquakes?

Context: A 6.0-magnitude earthquake struck northeast Afghanistan. A 6.0-magnitude earthquake struck northeast Afghanistan. The quake originated at a shallow depth of 8 km, making the surface shaking extremely intense and destructive.

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Why are India, Afghanistan and Pakistan vulnerable to deadly Earthquakes?

Why are India, Afghanistan and Pakistan vulnerable to deadly Earthquakes?

The region has experienced devastating earthquakes in the past :

  • 2001 Bhuj Earthquake (India)
  • 2005 Earthquake (Pakistan-administered Kashmir)
  • 2015 Hindu Kush Earthquake (Afghanistan)
  • 2023 Herat Earthquake (Afghanistan)
  • 2025 Afghanistan
image 23

Reasons for frequent Earthquakes in the Region: 

  • Tectonic Stress: The region lies on the collision boundary of Indian Plate and Eurasian Plate. The Indian Plate is moving northward at about 5 cm per year, colliding with the Eurasian Plate. This tectonic stress causes frequent earthquakes along active fault lines, especially in the Himalaya and Hindu Kush mountains. 
  • Delamination of Indian Plate: Recent studies reveal that the Indian Plate is splitting into two, with the lower part detaching and sinking into the Earth’s mantle (a process called delamination). In the Himalayan collision zone, delamination results in fractures that increase stress in the Earth’s crust, raising the likelihood of seismic events. 
image 24
  • Active Fault Lines: Presence of major faults like the Himalayan Frontal Thrust (HFT), Main Boundary Thrust (MBT), Chaman Fault (Pakistan-Afghanistan border), and Karakoram Fault. Sudden slip along these faults releases massive seismic energy.
  • Geological and Topographical Factors: Young fold mountains (Himalayas & Hindu Kush) are geologically unstable and continue to deform under tectonic pressure. The presence of steep slopes, deep valleys, and thick sedimentary deposits amplifies seismic waves. Plains such as the Indo-Gangetic basin are prone to soil liquefaction during major tremors.
  • Role of Climate Change: Rising global temperatures are causing accelerated glacier melt in the Himalayas, with up to 80% of glaciers projected to disappear by 2100. The loss of glacial weight leads to isostatic rebound, which shifts the earth’s crust and triggers quakes. Meltwater seeps into the ground, reducing friction along fault lines, thereby making slippage more likely.

Thus, while tectonics remain the primary driver, climate change acts as a risk multiplier.

India’s plan for creating Theatre Commands in Defence

Context: The debate on creating theatre commands has re-surfaced following discussions at the Ran Samwad 2025 tri-service seminar at the Army War College, Mhow.

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Theaterisation of Command: Significance and the Challenges. 

What is Theaterisation?

  • Theaterisation refers to the integration of the Army, Navy, and Air Force resources into unified ‘theatre commands’ for operational deployment under a single commander. 
  • Each theatre command will be responsible for a specific geographical region, enabling better coordination in combat. 
image 20

Current Structure :

  • The Army and Indian Air Force (IAF) currently have seven commands each, and the Navy has three commands. 
  • In addition, there are two tri-service commands: Andaman and Nicobar Command (ANC), and the Strategic Forces Command (SFC) which manages India’s nuclear arsenal.
  • There is also the Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff (HQIDS), which was created after the Kargil conflict to fulfil the need for an institutional framework for higher management of defence.

Rationale for Theaterisation: 

  • Modernisation of warfare: Modern conflicts are multi-domain (land, sea, air, cyber, space, UAVs, precision weapons). Unified command is required to respond effectively.
  • Jointness: India’s forces often operate separately; integration will eliminate duplication and ensure synergy in operations.
  • Learning from advanced militaries: Advanced militaries like the US and China operate through unified commands; India cannot afford “siloed warfare”.
  • Efficient resource utilisation: Optimises limited assets, reduces overlaps, and enhances operational readiness.

Evolution of Theatre Command Plans

  • 2019: Creation of Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) and Department of Military Affairs (DMA); mandate included restructuring into joint/theatre commands.
  • 2020: Gen Bipin Rawat (first CDS) proposed 4 commands: Air Defence, Maritime, Western, Eastern.
  • Post-2021 (after Gen Rawat’s death): an adversary-based joint theatre command was proposed.
    • Northern & Eastern Theatres (China-centric)
    • Western Theatre (Pakistan-centric)
    • Maritime Theatre Command

Ongoing discussions cover command HQs, operational areas, reporting structure, lead service, and integration of ANC & SFC.

Steps already Taken towards Jointness: 

  • Joint logistics nodes established.
  • Cross-postings among services.
  • Integration in procurement, training, and staffing via Headquarters Integrated Defence Staff (HQIDS) and DMA.

Challenges in creating Theatre Commands:

  • Institutional Resistance: Services have operated under independent commands for over 70 years; dismantling them will be disruptive.
  • Inter-Service ‘rivalries’ and Disagreements: 
    • IAF’s concerns over division of its assets
    • Perception of army dominance and 
    • Bias towards threat on land borders, E.g. a proposed single Maritime Theatre Command for Eastern and Western commands of the Indian Navy from Sir Creek to Sunderbans. 
  • Risk of Operational Delays and Decision-making Bottlenecks: Risk of longer decision-making chains if additional command levels are created.
  • One-size-fits-all Model: Blind replication of foreign models (like of the US) may not suit India’s unique threat environment and resource base.
  • Inter-service Dissonance: Despite consensus on the need for integration, divergence remains on how to achieve it, i.e., through theatre commands or by strengthening existing joint structures.

Way Forward

  • Consensus-building: Ensure reforms are consultative, not imposed.
  • Pilot Projects: Test limited theatre structures before nationwide rollout.
  • Future-readiness: Incorporate cyber, space, AI, and electronic warfare into doctrines.
  • Empowering CDS & DMA to overcome institutional inertia.
  • India-specific Model: Tailored to geography, adversaries, and force structure, not copy-paste from other militaries.

Theatre commands are a game-changer reform in India’s higher defence management. However, success depends on addressing doctrinal concerns, ensuring doctrinal balance between Army, Navy, and IAF, and evolving a flexible, India-specific model.

As CDS Gen Chauhan emphasises, the objective is to resolve “dissonance” and build consensus so that the armed forces fight future wars jointly rather than individually. 

Also Read: India needs National Security Doctrine

Unlawful Activities Prevention Act and Delhi Riots Bail Case 

Context: Delhi High Court declined to grant bail to Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam, Gulfisha Fatima, and seven others charged as key conspirators of the February 2020 Delhi riots saying the riots were a “premeditated, well-orchestrated conspiracy”.

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: UAPA 1967: Provisions and related issues. 

The accused have been charged under various provisions of the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 (UAPA), including Section 16 which prescribes the death penalty for committing Terrorist Act.

What is Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act 1967?

  • UAPA was enacted to give the state powers to deal with activities that threaten the sovereignty and integrity of India.
  • Initially, it targeted unlawful associations, but successive amendments expanded it into India’s principal anti-terror law.
  • Amendments in 2004, 2008, 2012, and 2019 broadened its scope allowing the central government to designate not just organisations but also individuals as terrorists.

Key Provisions of UAPA: 

  • Definition of Terrorist Act (Section 15): Covered acts intended to threaten India’s unity, integrity, security, or sovereignty, or to strike terror in people. Means can include bombs, explosives, firearms, or any other means.
  • Punishments (Section 16): Death penalty or life imprisonment for terrorist acts causing death.
  • Unlawful Activities: Criminalises acts supporting secession, cession of Indian territory, or disrupting sovereignty.
  • Designation of Terrorists (2019 amendment): Individuals can be listed as terrorists without judicial process, based on executive decision.
  • Bail Provisions: Bail is extremely restrictive. Bail cannot be granted if the court finds reasonable grounds to believe accusations are prima facie true (effectively reverses the presumption of innocence).
  • Extended Detention: Police can seek 180 days of detention without filing a charge sheet (compared to 60-90 days under ordinary criminal law).

Delhi Riots Case: 

  • In February 2020, large-scale communal violence broke out in North-east Delhi during protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA).
  • The violence resulted in the death of 54 people and damage to more than 1500 properties.
  • The Delhi Police alleged that the riots were not spontaneous but a “premeditated, well-orchestrated conspiracy” involving activists and student leaders.
  • Based on this, several persons including Umar Khalid, Sharjeel Imam were charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967, apart from provisions of the IPC.
  • The prosecution argued that conspiracies were hatched through WhatsApp groups, secret meetings, and mobilisation of protest sites, including calls for a “chakka jam”, which allegedly escalated into riots.

Why Bail Was Denied in the Delhi Riots Case?

  • The court applied Section 43D(5) of UAPA, which bars bail if accusations appear prima facie true. 
  • Testimonies of protected witnesses, who claimed that the accused discussed escalation of violence and setting Delhi on fire, were presumed true at this stage. Their credibility cannot be tested during bail.
  • The court emphasised that bail proceedings cannot turn into a detailed evaluation of evidence. Explanations offered by the accused could not be weighed against prosecution material at this stage.
  • The alleged plan to organise a chakka jam was treated as falling under the broad phrase “any other means” in Section 15, thereby qualifying as a terrorist act.
  • Although the accused have spent over five years in jail, the court held that delay alone cannot justify bail, and that an expedited trial conducted in undue haste may compromise fairness and due process.

Issues and Criticism of UAPA: 

  • Stringent Bail Conditions: Almost amounts to “bail not jail” being reversed, as courts presume prosecution’s case true.
  • Prolonged Incarceration: Accused may remain in jail for years without trial, thus the process itself becomes punishment. E.g., In Delhi riots case, accused have spent 5 years without trial raising concerns of violation of Article 21. 
  • Overbroad Definition of ‘Terrorist Act’: The phrase “any other means” under Section 15 expands the scope excessively, creating scope for misuse against peaceful protest and dissent. E.g., A chakka jam was classified as terrorism in the Delhi riots case.
  • Protected Witness System: Limits cross-examination, raises concerns of fair trial and natural justice.
  • Executive Overreach: Power to declare individuals as terrorists without judicial scrutiny undermines separation of powers.
  • Low Conviction Rate: NCRB data shows conviction rate under UAPA is below 30%, yet thousands spend years in pre-trial custody.

Broader Democratic Concerns

  • UAPA is criticised for blurring the line between legitimate dissent and terrorism.
  • It raises questions about Article 21 (right to life and personal liberty) and Article 19 (freedom of speech, assembly, and association).
  • In a democracy, misuse of anti-terror laws against protesters risks a chilling effect on free speech.

Way Forward

  • Judicial Safeguard : Courts need to evolve stricter standards of evidence scrutiny at bail stage.
  • Timely Trials: Fast-track courts must ensure UAPA trials are not indefinitely delayed.
  • Narrowing Definitions: Parliament should reconsider vague terms like “any other means” under Section 15.
  • Balance between liberty and security: National security is vital, but so is constitutional liberty; laws must not criminalise dissent.

Justice D.Y. Chandrachud observed in K.A. Najeeb case (2021), “Courts cannot remain mute spectators when citizens languish in jails under stringent laws with little hope of trial concluding.” While the state must act against orchestrated violence, prolonged incarceration without trial risks turning the “process into punishment”. 

Mains Practice Question:  

Q. The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 has been criticised for reversing the principle of ‘bail not jail’. Critically analyse in the context of recent bail rulings in the Delhi riots case.

Should Reservations Exceed the 50% Cap?

Context: The opposition leader in Bihar has pledged to raise the quota limit to 85% if voted to power. At the same time, the Supreme Court has issued notice to the Union government on a petition seeking the introduction of a ‘creamy layer’ system for SCs and STs.

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Should reservations exceed the 50 % cap ?

Reservation in the Indian Constitution is envisaged as a corrective mechanism to redress historical injustices and ensure substantive equality. Mere formal equality could not dismantle entrenched social hierarchies in India, and thus reservation empowered the State to adopt affirmative action for disadvantaged groups.

What are the Constitutional Provisions? 

  • Article 15(4) and 15(5) empower the State to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, including SCs and STs, particularly in educational institutions.
  • Article 16(4) allows the State to provide reservations in public employment for backward classes not adequately represented in services.
  • Articles 16(4A) and 16(4B), inserted through constitutional amendments, permit reservation in promotions for SCs and STs and allow the carry forward of unfilled reserved vacancies.
  • Article 46 directs the State to promote the educational and economic interests of weaker sections, especially SCs and STs.

The reservation in the Centre at present stands as follows: OBCs (27%), SCs (15%), STs (7.5%) and for the Economically Weaker Section (10%), resulting in a total reservation of 59.5%. 

image 19

Important Court Rulings in this Context: 

  • In Balaji v. State of Mysore (1962), the SC held that reservations should remain within reasonable limits and should not exceed 50%.
  • In State of Kerala v. N.M. Thomas (1975), the SC observed that reservation is not an exception to equality, but a facet of equality of opportunity under Article 16; though it did not rule on the 50% ceiling.
  • In Indra Sawhney (1992), the SC upheld 27% reservation for OBCs, and introduced the concept of a creamy layer within OBCs. The court laid down the 50% ceiling rule, subject to extraordinary circumstances. 
  • In Janhit Abhiyan (2022), the SC upheld the 103rd Constitutional Amendment and the validity of 10% EWS quota. It clarified that the 50% limit applies only to backward class reservations, and not to the EWS category. 
  • In State of Punjab v. Davinder Singh (2024), the SC upheld the power of states to make sub-classification within SCs/STs. 

Arguments for Exceeding the 50% Cap: 

  • Proportional Representation: Backward classes form a majority of the population, and proportional representation requires a higher quota share.
  • Substantive equality demands going beyond formal equality, as historical injustices and deep-rooted discrimination cannot be addressed with a 50% limit.
  • Address persistent underrepresentation of SCs, STs, and OBCs which still continues, with many reserved posts remaining unfilled.
  • States with higher percentages of marginalised populations argue that a rigid 50% ceiling undermines their autonomy to design policies that reflect their demographic realities. 

Arguments against Exceeding the 50% Cap:

  • Critics argue that excessively high quotas (such as 85%) would violate the constitutional principle of equality of opportunity.
  • Judicial precedents have consistently upheld the 50% ceiling as a safeguard against excessive reservations that may harm merit-based selection.
  • Large numbers of reserved vacancies remain unfilled, suggesting that higher quotas alone may not ensure representation and could worsen backlog vacancies. In the absence of creamy layer exclusion for SCs/STs, benefits get concentrated among advanced sub-groups, leaving the most deprived behind.

Way Forward

  • Policymaking on reservation should be based on empirical evidence from the 2027 Census, which is expected to include caste enumeration.
  • Implement the Rohini Commission’s sub-categorisation to distribute OBC benefits more equitably.
  • Introduce a two-tier system for SCs/STs prioritising the most marginalised sections.
  • Efforts on complementary measures such as skill development, access to quality education, and inclusion of marginalized groups in the private sector.

India needs a consensus-driven solution which balances equality of opportunity with the demands of social justice.

Sickle Cell Anaemia and the battle for Disability Justice

Context: In 2024, the Indian government issued revised guidelines under the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (RPWD) Act, 2016. These guidelines provide a framework for assessing the extent of disability of people with two copies of the sickle cell gene, or with both sickle cell and beta thalassaemia, or Hb D.

The RPWD Act 2016 marked a step towards protecting the rights of persons with disabilities, and promoting their full inclusion in society. The law aligns with the UN Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and promises dignity, equality, and non-discrimination. 

About Rights to Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016

  • The Act defines persons with disabilities as a person with physical, intellectual, or sensory impairment which, in interaction with barriers, hinders his full and effective participation in society equally with others. 
  • Types of disabilities covered under the Act are increased from 7 to 21. It includes various physical and mental disabilities like acid attack victims, dwarfism and Autism Spectrum Disorder.
  • Persons with benchmark disabilities are entitled to free school education up to 18 years of age, reservations in higher educational institutions, development assistance programmes, and government employment.
  • Reservation: It mandates a 4% reservation in public employment and 5% reservation in educational institutions for PwD. 
  • The Act mandates both public and private institutions to make infrastructure accessible and provide ICT consumer products for PwD.

Sickle Cell Anaemia

  • It is an inherited or genetic blood disorder that affects haemoglobin, the protein in Red Blood Cells (RBCs) that carries oxygen to all parts of the body.
  • Healthy RBCs are soft and round. In SCD, the haemoglobin is abnormal, which causes the RBCs to become hard and sticky and look like a sickle.
  • These rigid, sticky cells die early and often get stuck in blood vessels, clogging the flow of blood. As a result, different parts of the body do not get the oxygen they need. This can cause pain and other serious health problems such as infection, acute chest syndrome and stroke. 
image 18

Treatment: 

  • It is a lifelong illness. The only cure comes in the form of gene therapy and stem cell transplants, however, both are costly and still in developmental stages. 
  • Sickle Cell Anaemia Elimination Mission (2023) aims to eliminate sickle cell disease as a public health problem by 2047. 

Sickle cell disease (SCD) is a painful, progressive, and disabling blood disorder, disproportionately affecting marginalised communities like Tribals. 

Narrow lens of disability in Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act 2016

  • Not-inclusive: The Act extends reservations in public sector employment under the 4% quota for persons with vision and hearing loss, locomotor disabilities, and intellectual disabilities.  However, individuals with SCD and other blood disorders are not included in the quota.
  • Subjectivity in benchmark disability: The benchmark disability under the Act must meet a certain threshold of impairment, specifically 40% or more. However, different hospitals, medical boards, and doctors can assign different disability percentages to the same person, depending on their personal judgment.
  • Certification bottlenecks: A medical authority, including chief medical officer, evaluates and certifies disability. Diagnosis reports of confirmatory tests must be from a government or standard lab. The certification process can be largely inaccessible for Adivasi and Dalit patients in rural or remote areas. 

Way Forward

  • Extending job reservations to individuals with SCD and related blood disorders would acknowledge their condition as a significant, lifelong disability. 
  • Reforming the certification process to account for fluctuating and invisible disabilities would reflect a rights-based lens rather than a purely biomedical one.
  • Improve Accessibility: Mobile medical units in tribal and rural areas for on-site certification and treatment.

Disability is not only shaped by physical health, but also by social exclusion, structural barriers, and policy gaps. The continual reliance on biomedical scoring and exclusion of people with SCD from full protections undermines the very purpose of recognising the condition under the Act. 

Unless India’s recognition of SCD brings real rights and protections, it risks becoming exclusion disguised as inclusion. 

Also Read: The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act, 2016 remains only a legal document without intense sensitisation of government functionaries and citizens regarding disability. Comment. 

Under Representation of Women in Judiciary

Context: Indian Courts have been male-dominated institutions. Presently, there is just one woman judge out of the full strength of 34 judges in the Supreme Court. In order to implement inclusive policies, it is necessary to employ a female perspective into the institution.

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Essay; Under Representation of Women in Judiciary: Reasons and Way Forward. 

Introduction

  • Over the past century, women in law have made significant progress in India. The first woman lawyer, Cornelia Sorabji, was entitled to practice in 1924. Since then, women have entered the legal profession in increasing numbers, attained the rank of Senior Advocates, and served as judges in the lower judiciary. 
  • Despite these advancements, women’s representation in the higher judiciary remains alarmingly low, which highlights deep-rooted systemic inequality.

Issue of Glass Ceiling in the Higher Judiciary

Women’s representation in the higher judiciary continues to be minimal.

  • Only 13.4% of High Court judges are women. 
    • In eight High Courts— Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Manipur, Meghalaya, Odisha, Tripura, and Uttarakhand— there is either no woman judges or just one.
    • Allahabad High Court, the largest in the country, has only three women judges out of 79 (2%).
    • Only one High Court, the Gujarat High Court, currently has a woman Chief Justice.
  • Women judges are appointed at a later age than men, with an average appointment age of 53 years compared to 51.8 years for men. This delay prevents them from reaching senior positions.

At Supreme Court level

The situation in the Supreme Court is even more dire:

  • Since 2021, 28 judges have been appointed to the Supreme Court, but none of them are women.
  • In the past 75 years, nine men have been elevated directly from the Bar to the Supreme Court, while only one woman has received the same elevation.
  • Only 11 women have been appointed to the Supreme Court till date (August 2025), which is a mere 3.8% of total judges appointed since its inception in 1950. 
  • There is total absence of caste diversity among women judges in the Supreme Court due to non-appointment of women judges from Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. 
  • The delayed age of appointment for women results in women judges not making it to the Collegium or as Chief Justice of India. The first woman CJI will be Justice B. V. Nagarathna, who is scheduled to be appointed for only 36 days (in 2027).

Reasons for under-representation of women in Judiciary: 

1. Barriers to Women’s inclusion: 

  • Heightened Scrutiny: Women face greater scrutiny when being considered for elevation, with their merit being questioned more rigorously than their male counterparts.
  • Entry-level barriers: The Judicial Service Rules in many states require continuous legal practice, which can be challenging for women who need career breaks due to family responsibilities. This restricts their chances of elevation to the Bench.
  • Retention challenges: Even when women enter the judiciary, career progression is hampered by rigid transfer policies and lack of support structures, discouraging their long-term participation.
  • Infrastructure deficiencies: Many courts lack basic facilities such as separate washrooms, crèches, and family-friendly spaces. A 2019 survey by the Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy found that nearly 100 district courts lack dedicated washrooms for women, making their daily work environment difficult.

2. Collegium System and alleged gender bias: 

  • No clearly defined criteria: There are no clearly defined criteria for eligibility, merit, or the selection process.
  • Composition: Collegiums, predominantly composed of men, rarely make a concerted effort to identify and elevate qualified women candidates.
  • Rejection by the government: Even when women’s names are recommended, they are disproportionately rejected by the government. Since 2020, nine women’s names were recommended for High Court appointments, but five were rejected outright.

Way Forward

1. Transparent Appointment Process: 

  • Collegium should establish a clear and transparent selection process based on merit. 
  • Time-bound approvals for collegium recommendations (A timeframe of 90 days is proposed).

2. Gender diversity as a stated objective:

  • Gender diversity should be an explicit criterion in judicial appointments, ensuring that at least one-third of judges in the High Courts and Supreme Court are women.
  • Adopt Kerala's model of 50% reservation for women in lower judiciary.
  • Establish gender diversity targets (33-50%) in higher judiciary appointments.

3. Inclusive infrastructure and policy-level changes:

  • Judicial policies should account for women’s specific needs, including maternity benefits and flexible transfer policies.
  • Courts must prioritise gender-friendly infrastructure, including sanitary facilities, feeding rooms, and crèches.
  • Inclusion of women in the High Court and Supreme Court committees on infrastructure and policy-making to ensure gender-sensitive decision-making. 

4. Encouraging women in the legal profession:

  • Law firms, bar councils, and judiciary bodies should actively mentor and support women lawyers to build a strong pipeline of candidates for judicial roles. 

Carole Pateman’s theory of the “public-private divide” aptly explains how traditionally male-dominated institutions fail to adapt to the inclusion of women. A female-centric gaze in judicial policy-making is necessary to ensure that infrastructure, recruitment, and retention policies are designed with women’s lived realities in mind.  

All Buildings to be Geo-Tagged in Census 2027

Context: The central government plans to geo-tag all buildings (residential and non-residential) in the Census 2027.

Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Concept of geo-tagging, Geo-tagging and governance.

What is Geo-Tagging ? 

  • Geo-tagging is the process of assigning precise latitude and longitude coordinates to a physical asset, building, or location and linking it to a Geographical Information System (GIS) map.
  • It digitally pins a structure or object to its exact place on a map allowing it to be identified, verified, and monitored in real time.
image 17

Historical Context and Present Use in India: 

  • In India, geo-tagging has been used in government schemes such as the Pradhan Mantri Awaas Yojana (PMAY), MGNREGA assets, and other development programmes to ensure transparency and accountability in asset creation.
  • For the first time in Census 2027 the government plans to geo-tag all residential and non-residential buildings across the country.

Geo-Tagging in Census 2027: 

  • Enumerators will geo-tag each building within its Houselisting Block (HLB) using a Digital Layout Mapping (DLM) system. This is a departure from earlier censuses, where hand-drawn notional maps were prepared. Now, layout maps will be automatically generated from geo-tagged building data.
  • Census 2027 will be India’s first fully digital census using mobile applications, self-enumeration options, and real-time monitoring through the Census Monitoring & Management System (CMMS).

Benefits of Geo-Tagging: 

  • Accuracy in Enumeration: Geo-tagging will ensure that all buildings are mapped and counted, reducing the chances of omission or duplication.
  • Transparency and Accountability: Digitally tagged assets reduce the possibility of ghost entries and fraudulent claims.
  • Policy Formulation: Real-time and location-specific data on housing, amenities, and population distribution will strengthen evidence-based policymaking.
  • Disaster Management and Urban Planning: A geo-tagged housing database can aid in evacuation, rehabilitation, and planning for infrastructure and civic services.
  • Integration with Other Digital Initiatives: Geo-tagging complements initiatives like Digital India, GIS-based governance, and the Smart Cities Mission creating a unified digital governance framework.

Challenges in Geo-Tagging: 

  • Privacy Concerns: Citizens may have apprehensions about the government mapping and digitally storing the exact location of their homes.
  • Digital Divide: Rural and remote areas with weak internet and digital infrastructure may face difficulties in real-time geo-tagging.
  • Data Security: Protecting sensitive location data from cyber threats is a major challenge.

Geo-tagging is a crucial step towards e-governance and evidence-based administration in India. It will help bridge gaps between planning and implementation by providing precise, location-linked, and real-time data.

RTE Exemption to Minority Institutions should be Revised: SC

Context: The Supreme Court has questioned the validity of the blanket exemption granted to minority institutions from the applicability of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education (RTE) Act, 2009. The SC has called for reconsideration of the Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust vs. Union of India (2014) judgment by a larger bench.

Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust v. Union of India (2014) Case

The RTE Act, 2009 was enacted to guarantee free and compulsory education to all children aged 6-14 years under Article 21A of the Constitution.

  • In the case, a five-judge Constitution Bench held that applying the RTE Act to minority institutions (aided or unaided) was unconstitutionalas it violated Article 30(1).
    • Article 30(1) guarantees the right of minorities to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice.
  • As a result, minority institutions were granted a blanket exemption from RTE provisions, including the 25% reservation for disadvantaged groups under Section 12(1)(c). 
image 16

Supreme Court’s Recent Observations (2025) 

  • The SC expressed serious doubts about the correctness of the Pramati Educational and Cultural Trust (2014) ruling that gave minority institutions blanket exemption from the RTE Act.
  • The SC held that the RTE Act ought to apply to all minority institutions (aided or unaided) without eroding their minority character under Article 30(1).
  • The bench clarified that Article 21A and Article 30(1) are not in conflict; they can and must co-exist mutually.
  • Section 12(1)(c), mandating 25% reservation for disadvantaged groups was described as serving the broader purpose of social inclusion and universalisation of education. Section 12(1)(c) does not alter school demographics to compromise minority identity and comes with a reimbursement mechanism ensuring financial neutrality.
  • Any conflict can be reconciled by admitting minority children who also belong to weaker sections or disadvantaged groups under the quota.
  • On the Teacher Eligibility Test (TET), the SC reaffirmed it as a minimum qualification under the RTE Act binding on minority institutions as well.

Rising Urban Noise Pollution

Context: Urban noise pollution has emerged as one of the neglected public health crises despite policy measures. 

As per the World Health Organisation, safe limits in silent zones are 50 dB by day and 40 dB by night. Yet in cities such as Delhi and Bengaluru readings near sensitive institutions often reach 65 dB-70 dB.

image 15

Existing Measures for Noise Regulation: 

  • The Noise Pollution (Regulation and Control) Rules, 2000 provide legal provisions for defining silent zones and regulating permissible limits.
  • The Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) launched the National Ambient Noise Monitoring Network (NANMN) in 2011 to generate real-time noise data across Indian cities.
  • State governments and local authorities are empowered to regulate loudspeakers, firecrackers, construction activities, and industrial operations.
  • Article 21 guarantees the right to life with dignity, encompassing mental and environmental well-being. 
  • Article 48A mandates proactive environmental protection. 
  • Public awareness campaigns such as “No Honking Day” in some states, have been undertaken to encourage behavioural change among citizens.

Despite the presence of policy measures, noise pollution continues to rise because enforcement has remained weak and largely symbolic.

Gaps and Challenges in Implementation: 

  • Weak enforcement of the Noise Pollution Rules and penalties for violations are rarely imposed. E.g., Noise Pollution Rules 2000 are rarely updated to reflect urban realities.
  • Lack of coordination: Multiple agencies such as traffic police, municipal bodies, and State Pollution Control Boards act in silos, which leads to a lack of coordination.
  • Fragmented Data: Data generated by the National Ambient Noise Monitoring Network often remains fragmented and is not effectively linked to enforcement actions.
  • Technological bottlenecks: Sensor placement is frequently flawed, with many devices installed at heights of 25-30 feet, which leads to inaccurate readings.
  • Public apathy and normalisation of honking, drilling, and construction noise reduce civic pressure on authorities to act.
  • Urbanisation, late-night infrastructure work, and logistics-driven traffic contribute to rising noise levels despite existing restrictions.

Health, Social and Ecological Impacts

Noise pollution has severe health consequences, including hypertension, cardiovascular disease, stress, and disturbed sleep cycles.

  • Children exposed to high noise levels experience impaired cognitive development and reduced learning outcomes.
  • Elderly citizens and individuals with pre-existing health conditions face aggravated mental and physical health challenges.
  • Noise pollution reduces productivity, increases irritability, and lowers the overall quality of life in cities.
  • Noise disrupts animal communication systems. E.g., A 2025 University of Auckland study found that urban noise altered the sleep and song patterns of common mynas within a single night. Such disruptions signal a broader breakdown of ecological communication, which affects biodiversity and the urban environment.

In 2024, the Supreme Court of India affirmed that environmental disruptions, including excessive noise, can infringe upon the fundamental right to life and dignity under Article 21

Global Experiences and Best Practices: 

  • Europe: The European Environment Agency estimated in 2020 that noise pollution causes annual economic losses worth €100 billion due to its health impacts. In response, several European cities redesigned speed zones, enforced strict zoning regulations, and integrated noise mapping into urban planning.
  • Japan: Japan has introduced acoustic zoning laws and noise-mapping systems that guide urban development and reduce sound exposure in residential areas.

India, by contrast, suffers from regulatory fragmentation and institutional silence. 

Way Forward

  • Formulation of National Acoustic Policy on the lines of the National Ambient Air Quality Standards to establish permissible decibel levels for different urban zones. The policy must mandate regular noise audits and empower local grievance redressal mechanisms to make enforcement citizen-centric.
  • Decentralisation of National Ambient Noise Monitoring Network (NANMN) to give local bodies access to real-time data and responsibility for immediate action.
  • Directly linking noise monitoring with enforcement to ensure that violations invite penalties, strict zoning compliance, and restrictions on construction activities.
  • Public awareness must be institutionalised through continuous campaigns, driver training programmes, and community initiatives. 
  • Urban planning must integrate acoustic resilience by creating noise-buffer zones, embedding green spaces, and designing infrastructure that balances speed with sonic civility.

Tackling urban noise pollution requires moving beyond token regulations towards a rights-based approach that upholds Article 21 guarantee of life with dignity.