Indian Society

Solar, a game changer in women’s empowerment

Context: Today, apart from solar energy being the major factor in the climate patterns, it is also a transformative, democratising force in electricity generation. Distinct from traditional sources of energy which require extensive infrastructure and intermediary transmission lines, solar energy can now be harnessed directly at its point of use  in homes. It is now a home product.

Solar energy is empowering women

  • Environmental sustainability and societal structures: Decentralized solar energy enables individuals and communities to generate power locally, significantly benefiting environmental sustainability and societal structures
    • It economically empowers marginalized groups, especially women, who often face limited access to energy. 
    • Examples include women salt farmers in Gujarat who shifted from diesel to solar pumps, increasing income and reducing emissions.
  • Financial inclusion and job creation: Solar energy contributes to financial inclusion and community development by integrating women across the solar value chain. 
    • In 2022, solar employed around 4.9 million people globally, 40% of whom were women. India’s renewable goals aim to create an additional three million jobs by 2030, enhancing opportunities for women and supporting societal progress.
  • Health and safety: Traditional biomass for cooking exposes women to harmful indoor air pollution. Solar-powered cookers and clean energy solutions reduce health hazards.
  • High education attainment: With reliable lighting, children, especially girls often tasked with daytime chores, can study in the evenings, boosting their educational attainment.
  • Social entrepreneurship: Solar initiatives encourage women to become solar entrepreneurs and ambassadors within their communities. Organizations like Solar Sister train women to sell solar products, providing income and fostering leadership.
  • Reduced labour: Access to solar-powered water pumps, mills, and other machinery reduces time spent on manual labour, enables women to dedicate more time to education, self-improvement, and income-generating activities.

Despite its benefits, the solar industry faces challenges, including geographical imbalances (with investments concentrated in developed nations), sectoral imbalances (large-scale farms over small applications), and manufacturing concentration. 

To ensure sustainability, the solar industry must prioritize recycling and waste management for solar materials. Establishing clear producer guidelines, fostering government collaboration, and exploring mobile recycling plants can enhance environmental health in the sector.

The need for a just energy transition necessitates gender-sensitive policies that integrate energy access with sectors like agriculture and rural development. Such inclusivity helps dismantle barriers disproportionately affecting women, promoting a sustainable and equitable energy economy.

Initiatives such as the Barefoot College (India), the Grameen Shakti (Bangladesh), and Solar Sister (Africa) empower women to become solar engineers, benefiting millions and improving community health and safety. For example, We Care Solar’s suitcases reduced perinatal deaths by 72% in Uganda’s health centres.

The Problem with Free Food

Context: Regime of highly ineffective food and fertiliser subsidies must be reformed. Government needs to summon the courage to bite the bullet, ensure enough lead time to prepare for proper implementation.

Background

  • The world has made tremendous progress in increasing food production by large-scale adoption of better seeds, more irrigation, and higher doses of fertilisers and pesticides. Farm machinery has become more efficient. 
  • All this could not have been done without increasing incentives to farmers — input subsidies, higher prices for their produce, or a mix of some of the two. 

Government Initiatives

  • National Food Security Act (NFSA), 2013: It was to cover roughly two-thirds of the Indian population in providing rice, wheat or coarse grains (5kg/person/month) at Rs 3/kg, Rs 2/kg, and Rs 1/kg, respectively.
    • These prices could be revised upwards after three years of the Act, keeping in view the ballooning magnitude of food subsidy on account of this Act, and the overall finances of the government.
  • Targeted PDS: Under that scheme, the antyodaya (most vulnerable) people got free food, while those above that had to pay at least half the minimum support price (MSP) being paid to the farmer, and those above the poverty line had to pay 90% of MSP. 

Challenges with Food Security Schemes

  • Fiscal Burden: Huge beneficiary base as the scheme covers roughly 66% of the population, whereas the Rangarajan Committee estimated the headcount poverty ratio at about 29%. This wide coverage puts a huge fiscal burden on the government. As a result, food subsidy is the largest subsidy in the Union budget.
  • Reduces Fiscal Space for Capital Investments: Along with fertiliser subsidy, it cuts down much more rational and productive investments in agri-food space, such as in agri-R&D, precision agriculture, micro-nutrients, women’s education and sanitation. These investments are almost 10 times more effective in ensuring the food and nutritional security of our people than free food and highly subsidised fertilisers and power.
  • Incentivises Corruption: Subsidies, when they are abundant and almost open-ended, become an instrument of corruption. ICRIER research shows that a substantial part (almost 25-30%) of these two subsidies, food and fertilisers, never reaches the intended beneficiaries. If one looks at the inefficiency in the use of these two subsidies, and adds that to the leakages, the overall loss easily goes to 40-50% of the total amount of resources being spent on them.

Why Women Don’t Come Forward to Report Sexual Misconduct

Context: Sexual harassment remains a pervasive issue across various professions, including academia, media, and corporate sectors. Despite the existence of laws such as the Prevention of Sexual Harassment (PoSH) Act, 2013, women still hesitate to report such incidents. A recent case involving a research scholar from a reputed university in Delhi highlights the challenges women face in bringing forth their complaints. This article delves into the reasons behind the reluctance to report sexual misconduct and the systemic issues that exacerbate the problem.

Key Challenges Faced by Women Reporting Sexual Misconduct

  1. Delayed Action by Internal Committees
    • Many institutions delay the process of addressing sexual harassment complaints, as seen in the case of the 29-year-old PhD scholar. Despite filing her complaint in May, the Internal Complaints Committee (ICC) took action only in July, by which time the victim had already left the university.
    • Victims often face insensitivity and delays, discouraging them from pursuing their complaints further.
  2. Fear of Repercussions and Career Impact
    • Victims of sexual harassment often worry that reporting their experience will negatively affect their careers. The PhD scholar mentioned that had the ICC acted promptly, she would not have felt the need to quit her PhD.
    • Women fear that filing a complaint could "complicate things," leading to retaliation or career setbacks.
  3. Character Assassination
    • Many women face personal attacks and character defamation after they come forward. In one case from Jamia Millia Islamia, a student alleged sexual harassment by her professor, only to face character assassination during the ICC proceedings.
    • These experiences often cause victims to feel more vulnerable, leading them to avoid reporting in the first place.
  4. Lack of Trust in Internal Complaints Committees (ICCs)
    • Although the PoSH Act mandates the establishment of ICCs in workplaces with 10 or more women employees, many women do not trust these committees to act impartially or effectively.
    • Some women, like the Jamia student, approach the police rather than the ICC because they fear the committee will not take their complaint seriously.
  5. Institutional Evasion of Responsibility
    • Many organizations or institutions treat complaints with varying degrees of seriousness. A human resources professional in Delhi noted that some companies dismiss less severe complaints, like inappropriate comments, and only act when incidents are deemed more serious.
    • Organizations may also make the process of filing complaints intimidating by suggesting reconciliation rather than taking formal action, which discourages victims from pursuing justice.
  6. Insufficient Penalties and Oversight
    • Although the PoSH Act prescribes penalties for non-compliance, such as fines or revocation of licenses, enforcement is weak. Instances of organizations losing their licenses due to non-compliance are rare.
    • Most district authorities do not rigorously enforce adherence to the guidelines, with only basic checks conducted. For example, Gurgaon district offices have introduced more thorough questionnaires, but such practices are not uniformly followed across the country.

Recommendations for Better Implementation of PoSH

Recommendations for Better Implementation of PoSH
  • Stricter Monitoring and Accountability: There should be government-mandated platforms that allow external ICC members to report inconsistencies and violations across organizations.
  • Improved Sensitivity and Timeliness of Responses: Internal committees must be trained to respond to complaints sensitively and promptly to avoid driving victims away.
  • Ensuring Victim Protection and Transparency: To encourage women to come forward, organizations need to ensure that victims are protected from retaliation and character assassination during the investigation process.

By addressing these systemic issues and fostering a culture of support and accountability, organizations and institutions can create safer environments where women feel empowered to report sexual misconduct without fear.

The Importance of Conducting India’s Delayed Census

Context: India’s decadal Census, delayed for over three years, is more than just a population count—it provides vital data on location, familial structures, and individual characteristics such as education, occupation, and health. Relying on outdated Census data (2011) undermines large-scale surveys like the National Family Health Survey (NFHS) and Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS), leading to less reliable results.

  1. Transformation Since 2011: The past decade has seen significant changes in population dynamics, education, employment, and the impact of COVID-19. An updated Census is critical for understanding these shifts and addressing them effectively through policy.
  2. Inadequacy of Alternatives: Substituting the Census with alternative surveys is insufficient. Only the Census provides comprehensive, accurate data crucial for national planning, and without it, evaluations of government programs lack a reliable denominator, making policy assessments misleading.
  3. Elections vs. Census: Logistical Feasibility: The successful conduct of general elections amidst the pandemic contrasts starkly with the delayed Census. The machinery needed for both is comparable, suggesting that the delay is more about governmental will than logistical hurdles.
  4. Caste Census: Political Distraction: While the call for a caste Census gains political momentum, it seems driven by electoral motives rather than developmental needs. Shifting focus to caste-based entitlements risks ignoring crucial indicators like education and occupation mobility.
  5. Global and SDG Implications: India’s Census delay affects global demographic understanding and the country’s ability to accurately monitor Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), as reliable data on age, sex, and other attributes are compromised.

Conclusion: The delay in India’s Census is detrimental to accurate policy-making, governance, and global demographic analysis. It is crucial for the government to prioritize this exercise and avoid further delays, ensuring that progress is measured against current realities, not outdated assumptions.

Herder’s homecoming

Rabari community Explained

  • The Rabari are a nomadic camel-herding people  whose name means "outside the way." Most are Hindus. The Raika are their Muslim counterparts.
  • They are one of perhaps a dozen castes of live-stock breeding seminomadic peoples or northwest India.
  • The story of their arrival in Kutch (also Kachchh), Gujarat, is a story of momentous migration from the Himalayas to Punjab, Haryana, Mathura, Rajasthan and, finally, into Kutch via Pakistan. 
  • The community is known by different names in different states, like Rabari in Gujarat, Raika in Rajasthan, Pal in Punjab, among others.
  • They are predominantly endogamous but marriage between sub-groups is permitted.
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The Case for a Caste Census

Context: Peter Drucker famously said, “Only what gets measured gets managed.” The problems of social groups that have been historically discriminated against (be it by caste, race, religion, gender, disability etc.) cannot be resolved without collecting data group-identity wise. Doing so is not a capitulation to identity politics but a vital step towards informed policymaking and inclusive development.

Caste-Based Census Timeline

Pre-Independence: 1871 Census was the first attempt to measure the population and enumerate caste data across India. 1931 Census was the last exercise to enumerate caste data.

Post-Independence:

  • Union of India after Independence, decided as a matter of policy not to enumerate caste wise population other than SCs and STs.
  • Thus, India’s largest caste bloc – Other Backward Classes – have not figured in the any census from 1951-2011.
  • There is no proper estimate for the population of OBCs, various groups within the OBCs, and others.
  • In 1961, the GOI advised States to conduct their own surveys and draw up State-specific OBC lists if they so desired.

Aftermath of Mandal Commission:

  • In 1979, Mandal commission (Socially and Educationally Backward Classes Commission) suggested expansion of affirmative action to include other backward classes.
  • OBCs, as per 1931 census, amounted to 52% of Indian population. Based on which a 27% reservation was given to the OBCs in 1990.
  • Later appeared demand for introduction OBC category in the decennial census to count them.

Socio-Economic Caste Census 2011:

  • SECC 2011 was first caste-based census since 1931.
  • It was conducted by Ministry of rural development (MoRD) and Ministry of housing and urban poverty alleviation in rural and urban areas respectively.
  • This was first time such a comprehensive exercise has been carried out for both rural and urban India, which included caste-wise population data.
  • 2011 SECC data, excluding the caste data, was finalised and published by the government.
  • Demand being raised to enumerate castes as part of Census 2021 itself. To make available authentic data on caste-wise population and their socio-economic conditions.

Need For Caste-Based Census

  • Social imperative : Caste continues to be a foundational social construct in India. Only about 5% of Indian marriages were inter-caste as of 2011-12. The use of caste surnames and caste marks is still widespread. Residential segregation by caste persists. Choices of candidates for elections and ministers for Cabinets continue to be dictated by caste considerations.
  • Legal imperative : Constitutionally-mandated policies of social justice which include reservations in electoral constituencies, education and public employment cannot be pursued effectively without detailed caste-wise data. Even though the Constitution uses the word class instead of caste, various rulings of the Supreme Court have held caste as a ‘relevant criterion’, ‘sole criterion’ or ‘dominant criterion’ for defining a backward class, and have demanded detailed caste-wise data for upholding reservation policies.
  • Administrative imperative : Detailed caste-wise data is necessary to avoid/correct wrongful inclusions of undeserving castes and exclusions of deserving castes, and to guard against a few dominant castes in a reserved category crowding out others. It is also needed for sub-categorising castes within a reserved category and to determine the income/wealth criterion for the creamy layer.
  • Moral imperative: The absence of detailed caste-wise data has helped a coterie of elites, among upper castes and dominant Other Backward Classes (OBCs), to corner a disproportionate share of the nation’s assets, incomes, and positions of power. Such situation leads to the demands of OBC subcategorization for ensuring a more equitable distribution of benefits. - The Justice Rohini Commission is working on sub-categorization within OBCs to address this issue.
  • Estimate change in demography: The current reservations and welfare schemes for OBCs (Other Backward Classes) are based on population estimates from the 1931 census. Since then, India's demographic landscape has significantly changed. A caste-based census can provide updated data to ensure that policies and schemes are aligned with the current population dynamics.
  • Rationalize Reservation Policy: Land fragmentation and agricultural stagnation have turned many upper-caste landowners into marginal farmers, while rising rural wages have benefited some backward classes, including Dalits. This shift necessitates a review and rationalization of the reservation policy. Accurate data can ensure that reservations are based on the current socio-economic realities of different castes. For example, the Patidar agitation in Gujarat and the Jat agitation in Haryana highlight the demand for reservations based on contemporary socio-economic conditions
  • Assess impact of Affirmative action: A socio-economic caste census can help assess the impact of reservations on OBCs and identify the relative deprivation of some castes. This assessment can inform future policy decisions and ensure that affirmative action achieves its intended goals. For example, data from such a census could reveal whether reservations have improved educational and employment outcomes for specific OBC groups.

Concerns Against Caste Based Census

  • Reinforces Caste Identities: Enumerating castes in a census might reinforce the caste identities prevalent in society, which could perpetuate social divisions. For instance, identifying individuals by caste in official documents could entrench these identities and exacerbate caste-based discrimination.
  • Vote bank politics: Caste-wise data could be used as a tool for caste-based political mobilization, leading to vote bank politics. Politicians might exploit this data to garner support from specific caste groups, undermining the broader goals of social cohesion and national integration. For example, political parties might promise caste-specific benefits to secure votes, leading to divisive politics.
  • New demands for Reservation: Numbers about OBCs might provide a new issue for regional parties to pressure the central government for an OBC quota in central government jobs and educational institutions. This could lead to increased demands for reservations, potentially beyond the current 50% cap. For instance, if the census reveals a higher OBC population, it could lead to demands for a higher reservation quota, as seen with the recent protests by various communities.
  • Federal concerns:  According to the 7th Schedule of the Constitution, the census is under the domain of the Union government. State governments conducting their own caste censuses could be against the constitutional spirit and create conflicts between the center and states. For example, the Bihar government's decision to conduct its own caste census led to debates on constitutional propriety and federal authority.

Concerns lack logical backing  (As per the Article) 

  • Socially divisive exercise: Critics argue that a caste census could be socially divisive. However, India's census already enumerates religion, language, and region, which are as divisive as caste, if not more. Casteism will not disappear by avoiding its enumeration any more than communalism or regionalism will by ignoring religion or language.
  • Administrative nightmare:  While some claim that a caste census is an administrative nightmare, India's census has successfully enumerated 1,234 castes in the SC category and 698 tribes in the ST category. Therefore, it is difficult to understand why the enumeration of the 4,000-odd other castes, most of which are State-specific, should pose an intractable problem.
  • Demands for increased reservations : On the contrary, the availability of caste-wise Census data would help curb arbitrary demands from caste groups and capricious decision-making by governments. Policy makers would be able to objectively debate and address the claims of, say, the Marathas, Patidars, Jats, or any other groups for reservations.
  • But governments prefer fuzzy data because it gives them the latitude to implement reservations arbitrarily for electoral considerations. 

Conclusion A caste-based census has the potential to provide valuable data for social justice and policy formulation.

However, it also poses significant risks, including reinforcing caste identities and promoting divisive politics.

A balanced approach, with robust safeguards and a focus on using the data to promote equality and social cohesion, is essential.

Key Take Away from Article

Why caste-wise Census data of the OBCs is essential?

Inclusion of OBCs in the Census

  • The OBCs, like SCs and STs, have constitutional provisions for reservations in education(Article-15(4)) and public employment(Article 16(4)).
  • However, there is no reservation for OBCs in electoral constituencies for MPs and MLAs. For this, caste-wise Census data of the OBCs is essential, which should have been included in the 2001 Census, but it was not.
  • Further,  When states like Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh etc attempted to implement OBC reservations in local body elections, the High Courts and Supreme Court stayed these efforts due to the lack of caste-wise data. The judiciary demands such data to uphold reservations, while the executive has avoided collecting it.
  • Authority of Census Data: While the Census is a Union subject, the Collection of Statistics Act, 2008 allows states and local bodies to gather necessary statistics. So Census data carries more authority and is less contested. How an Attempt at Caste Census Failed
  • In 2010, after lobbying by OBC leaders, Parliament unanimously resolved to include caste enumeration in the 2011 Census.o   However, the Socio Economic and Caste Census (SECC)-2011 was poorly executed, resulting in an unreliable figure of 46 lakh castes, and the results were never released.
  • The SECC-2011's failure stemmed from its execution outside the Census Act, 1948, by the Union Ministries of Rural Development and Urban Development, which lacked experience in sociological surveys.
  • Despite the 2010 resolution, the Central government announced in 2021 that it would not include caste enumeration in the next Census. 

The Way Forward

To ensure an effective and reliable caste census, the following steps are recommended:

  1. Amend the Census Act, 1948 to make caste enumeration mandatory.
  2. Enlist sociological and anthropological experts to draft state-specific caste lists.
  3. Design a detailed questionnaire to capture sub-caste, caste, larger caste group, and caste surname.
  4. Utilize internet-enabled hand-held devices to facilitate accurate data collection.
  5. Review and improve upon the SECC-2011 approach based on lessons learned. 

Inequality among caste

Context: India has made remarkable strides in lifting millions out of multidimensional poverty, yet inequality among various caste groups persists.

Despite the Constitution’s abolition of caste discrimination and the launch of affirmative action programmes, the shadow of caste continues to shape economic realities.

Disparities in consumption patterns among different socio-economic groups

According to the World Inequality Lab: 

  • In 2022-23, while STs accounted for 9 per cent of the population, their consumption share stood at only 7 per cent. 
  • Similarly, SCs constituted 20 percent of the population and their consumption share was 16 per cent
  • The OBCs accounted for 43 per cent of the population, their consumption share of 41 percent. 
  • General category accounted for 28 percent of the population, their consumption share of 36 percent. 

These findings underscore the persistent disparities in the distribution of consumption across various social groups. Despite minimal fluctuations over time, SCs and STs consistently lag behind people from the General and OBC categories.

  • The overall Gini coefficient decreased from 0.359 in 2017-18 to 0.309 in 2022-23, indicating a reduction in overall income inequality during this period by 0.050. 

Key Areas Impacted by caste:

  • Employment opportunities: Discrimination in hiring and occupational segregation often restrict lower-caste individuals to menial and low-paying jobs.
  • Education: While affirmative action policies have improved access to education for lower-caste individuals, disparities in the quality of education received still exist. Between 2017-18 and 2021-22, the SC category growth in number of students enrolled in higher educational institutes is 25.43% (ministry of education report).
    • Higher dropout rates among lower-caste students are attributed to economic pressures, social discrimination, and a lack of support systems. Over 8,000 students from the Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes, OBC, and minority communities have dropped out of technical institutes, including IITs, IIMs, IIITs, NITs, and IISERs, in the last five years up to 2023 (Ministry of Education).
  • Income disparities: On average, individuals from lower castes earn less than their upper-caste counterparts. SCs/STs earned significantly lesser than their non-SC/ST counterparts. (Deshpande and Sharma)
  • Entrepreneurship: Lower-caste entrepreneurs often face difficulties in securing loans and investments due to discriminatory practices by financial institutions.

Efforts should concentrate on augmenting income generation and consumption abilities among the lower deciles, particularly within the ST and SC communities. This is also essential for fostering social harmony and economic stability across society. Continued monitoring of trends and targeted interventions addressing specific socio-economic challenges faced by different groups are necessary to ensure sustained progress towards greater economic equity.

Global Gender Gap Index, 2024

Context: In the 2024 edition of the Global Gender Gap Index, India ranks 129th out of 146 countries surveyed, positioning it 18th from the bottom.

Key findings of Global Gender Gap Index’24: 

image 48
  • The 2024 Index shows that while no country has achieved full gender parity, 97% of the economies included in this edition have closed more than 60% of their gap, compared to 85% in 2006.
    • It will take 134 years, until 2158, to achieve full gender equality, which is five generations past the 2030 Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) target.
  • Iceland (93.5%) is again ranked 1st and has been leading the index for a decade and a half. It also continues to be the only economy to have closed over 90% of its gender gap. 
  • Southern Asia ranks seventh among eight global regions, with a gender parity score of 63.7 per cent, an improvement of 3.9 percentage points since 2006. 
  • However, six out of the seven economies in this region, including India, are ranked below the top 100. Only Bangladesh, for the first time in the region, has achieved a double-digit rank of 99. 
  • India's performance in Southern Asia is particularly troubling. In 2024, India closed 64.1% of its gender gap, ranking third lowest in the region, just ahead of the Maldives and Pakistan. India’s overall rank is 129th, marginally lower than last year (127).
  • The decline is mainly attributed to slight decreases in ‘Educational Attainment’ and ‘Political Empowerment’ as women's representation in India's political sphere remains low, with only seven women in the newly formed council of ministers, and just two holding cabinet positions. However, despite the overall decline, there was a minor improvement in ‘Economic Participation and Opportunity.’

About Global Gender Gap Index: 

  • It is an annual report highlights the current state and evolution of gender parity.
  • It was first introduced by the World Economic Forum in 2006.
  • It is the longest-standing index tracking the progress of numerous countries’ efforts towards closing these gaps.
  • It presents a picture of the current state and evolution of gender parity across four indices: economic participation and opportunity, educational attainment, health and survival, and political empowerment.

The Delay of the 2021 Census and Its Implications

Context:  The postponement of the 2021 Census in India raises various questions and concerns. One plausible explanation offered is the strategic delay by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to influence the upcoming delimitation process in anticipation of the 2029 Lok Sabha elections.

About Census

  • Census is a complete enumeration of the entire population of any country. 
  • It provides information on the size, distribution, socioeconomic characteristics, demographics etc of a country's population.
  • The responsibility of conducting the decennial Census rests with the Office of the Registrar General and Census Commissioner, India under Ministry of Home Affairs.
  • Conduct of census in India is guided by the Census Act, 1948.
  • Census is conducted every 10 years. Till date, India has successfully conducted 15 successive censuses since 1872.

Understanding Delimitation

·   Delimitation refers to periodic attempts to ensure that the shares of different States in Lok Sabha seats are similar to their respective population shares, and also that all constituencies have the same population size as far as possible, as required under Article 81 of the Constitution.

o   Impact: The upcoming delimitation is expected to benefit states with higher population growth since 1973, potentially increasing the Lok Sabha seats for northern states at the expense of southern states.

Reasons for Delaying the Census

  • Electoral Strategy:
    • The 84th Amendment stipulates that delimitation must be based on the first census after 2026. If the census occurs before this, any delimitation would have to wait until after the next census, likely pushing it into the 2030s.
    • The forthcoming delimitation exercise is likely to shift the balance of Lok Sabha seats in favour of States that have experienced relatively fast population growth since 1973. This means, that the seat shares of the northern States will grow at the expense of the southern States. Electoral prospects of BJP will improve, since it has a much stronger base in the north than in the south.
    • Thus, delaying the census until at least 2026 could strategically benefit the BJP by aligning the delimitation timeline with the 2029 elections.
    • So By postponing the Census, the BJP may enhance its electoral prospects, especially in the northern states where it holds a stronger base.

    Consequences of the Delay

    • Welfare Schemes: The delay in census data affects the implementation of welfare programs, such as the National Food Security Act, which could benefit from updated demographic data.
      • For example under National Food Security Act, 2013 67% of the population is entitled to subsidised food grains. Under the 2011 Census, India’s population was about 121 crores, hence PDS covered approximately 80 crore people. However, population growth over the last decade should mean PDS coverage to around 92 crore people but the current delay in Census data is depriving these people of subsidised food entitlements
    • Legal Challenges: The extended postponement could be viewed as an abuse of governmental privilege, potentially infringing on fundamental rights, and might lead to legal challenges.
      • As setting the date of the Census is the Central government’s privilege under the law but postponing the 2021 Census by more than five years can be construed as an abuse of privilege and infringement of people’s fundamental rights

    Benefit of Undertaking regular Census:

    • Comprehensive Demographic and Socio-cultural Data: A census collects authentic and detailed information on various aspects such as demographic profiles, economic activities, literacy and education levels, as well as data on housing, urbanization, fertility rates, and mortality. It also gathers specifics about different ethnic and social groups, languages, religions, migration patterns, and disabilities. This broad spectrum of data is essential for understanding the composition and needs of a population
    • Foundation for Government and Administrative Planning: The data obtained from a census is critical for government at all levels. It serves as a primary resource for planning and making policies that target specific needs and issues identified through the census. This data aids in making informed decisions that can lead to more effective governance and the allocation of resources where they are needed most.
    • Granular Data for Local Governance: A unique feature of the census is that it provides primary data down to the smallest administrative units, such as villages or urban wards. This granularity allows local governments to plan and provide services that are finely tuned to the specific needs of their communities.  
    • Snapshot of Population Characteristics: The census acts like a photograph capturing a moment in time, providing a snapshot of the population and its characteristics at regular intervals. This snapshot helps in monitoring changes and trends in the population over time, aiding in forecasting and strategic planning.·
    • Demographic Trends and Insights: By consistently tracking changes in the population, a census highlights trends in growth, aging, migration, and other demographic shifts. Understanding these trends is vital for predicting future needs, such as educational facilities, healthcare services, and infrastructure development.
    • Electoral and Constituency Delimitation: Census data is crucial for the delimitation of electoral constituencies. It ensures that representation is balanced and based on the latest population data, thus upholding the principle of electoral equity and fairness.
    • Financial Allocation and Grants: The data from a census is also used by finance commissions to allocate central funds to states. These allocations are based on population figures, ensuring that resources are distributed in proportion to the number of people they are meant to serve. 

    Opposition's Role and Possible Actions

    • Advocate for Timely Census: The opposition can push for a timely completion of the Census to ensure updated data for administrative and welfare purposes and this could also delay the delimitation process to after the 2029 elections.
    • Legal Approach: Taking the issue to the Supreme Court to contest the delay as an infringement of people’s fundamental rights.
    • Women's Reservation and Delimitation- The 106th amendment mandates a one-third reservation of Lok Sabha and state assembly seats for women. This reservation is set to be implemented following a delimitation exercise based on the first post-2023 census data.
      • Now, a legal interpretation exists that allows women's reservation to advance through its own delimitation, independent of the broader process. This opens a route for advocating an early census and timely implementation of women's reservation, potentially ahead of the more comprehensive delimitation.

      Conclusion:

      The delay in the 2021 Census has far-reaching implications, not only for electoral politics but also for governance and welfare distribution. It presents a complex interplay of legal, constitutional, and political strategies, with significant consequences for the democratic process in India.

      Centre to assist construction of 3 crore houses under PMAY

      Context: Of the 3 crore houses, two crore will be constructed under PMAY-Gramin, while 1 crore under PMAY-Urban. The newly formed NDA government in its first cabinet meeting decided to  provide assistance to 3 crore additional rural and urban households for the construction of houses, to meet the housing requirements arising out of the increase in the number of eligible families.

      What is affordable housing?

      • Per the government’s definition, affordable housing properties are those with an area not more than 60 sq.m, with the price capped at ₹45 lakh.
      • Government benchmark established in 2008 defines housing as affordable if monthly payments do not exceed 30% of a household's gross income.

      India’s present housing scenario:

      • According to a Government of India report in 2012, an estimated 18.78 million more houses were required to cater to the housing demand in the country. 
      • Post this, a study by the Indian Council for Research on International Economic Relations (ICRIER) in 2020 found that India’s urban housing shortage rose by 54% from 2012 to become 29 million in 2018.

      Issues and challenges:

      • Irrational method: The expenditure method overlooks critical factors such as housing price fluctuations and the limited disposable income among lower-income brackets.
      • Under estimation of crisis: With an estimated shortfall of 18.78 million households needing housing, according to the technical group on urban housing shortage, and independent studies indicate a demand for 29 to 50 million homes.
      • Decline in selling: Share of affordable housing in overall sales has witnessed a substantial decline which not only has impacted the poor but also the real estate sector as a whole.
      • Increase in slums: The rural population that migrates to urban areas are not finding housing they can afford. Hence, there is an increased number of slums, informal settlements and shadow rental market. 
      • Housing has become an investment: As per 2011 census, 17% of urban population live in slums. There was a shortage of 18.78 million homes between

      2012-2017. As per the Economic survey there are 11 million vacant homes. The question that needs answer for is, why there is a shortage of houses while there are vacant homes. The situation has raised since homes have been built and sold to buyers who consider housing as an investment. Homes that are been bought from the real estate companies are neither self-occupied nor put on rental market. They are being kept vacant by the new owners to be sold later for a profit.

      What needs to be done?

      • Revamping of criteria taking into account the factors like regional price variations, fluctuations in rent, disposable income variation etc.
      • Reducing the interest rates: One of the most concerning consequences of the rising interest rates is that homebuyers’ EMI payments are primarily going towards interest rather than the principal amount.
      • Educate the weaker sections: Educate the low income groups, the weaker sections of society and the middle income groups about the financial schemes and the support given by the government.
      • Incentivize builders: In order to encourage developers and builders (Bhiwadi) to invest in this initiative, any form of government tax, and fees applied on this tax should be removed.

      Pradhan Mantri Awas yojana

      The Standing Committee on Housing and Urban Affairs (Chair: Mr. Rajiv Ranjan Singh) submitted its report on ‘Evaluation of Implementation of Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (Urban).

      PMAY-URBAN: 

      • Launched in: 2015
      • Nodal ministry: Ministry of Housing and Urban Affairs (MoHUA).
      • Objective: To provide all weather pucca houses to all eligible beneficiaries in the urban areas of the country through States/UTs/Central Nodal Agencies.
      • Eligible beneficiaries: Economically Weaker Section (EWS)/Low Income Group (LIG), Middle Income Groupincluding the slum dwellers.
      • Coverage: Covers the entire urban area of the country, i.e., all statutory towns as per Census 2011 and towns notified subsequently, including Notified Planning/ Development Areas.
      • Components: Implemented through four verticals:
        • Beneficiary Led Construction/ Enhancement (BLC):
        • Affordable Housing in Partnership (AHP)
        • In-situ Slum Redevelopment (ISSR):
        • Credit Linked Subsidy Scheme (CLSS): 
      image 18
      • Initiative of this scheme
        • Affordable Rental Housing Complexes (ARHCs) for Migrant Workers/ Urban Poor: A sub-scheme under PMAY-U to provide ease of living to urban migrants/ poor in Industrial Sector as well as in non-formal urban economy to get access to dignified affordable rental housing close to their workplace. 
        • CLSS Awas Portal (CLAP): A common platform where all stakeholders are integrated in real time environment. The portal facilitates processing of applications along with tracking of subsidy status by beneficiaries. CLSS tracker has also been incorporated in PMAY(U) mobile App and UMANG platform.
        • ANGIKAAR- A campaign for change management: Focuses on adopting best practices such as water & energy conservation, waste management, health, sanitation and hygiene for PMAY(U) beneficiaries.
        • Technology Sub Mission (TSM): It facilitates adoption of modern, innovative and green technologies and building materials for faster and quality construction of houses.
        • Global Housing Technology Challenge - India: To identify and mainstream a basket of innovative construction technologies from across the globe for housing construction sector that are sustainable, eco-friendly and disaster-resilient. 
      • Expected completion: December 2024 with all verticals, except CLSS.
      • Significance: The Mission promotes women empowerment by providing the ownership of houses in name of female member or in joint name.
        • Preference has also been given to differently abled persons, senior citizens, SCs, STs, OBCs, Minority, single women, transgender and other weaker & vulnerable sections of the society. 
        • All houses under PMAY-U have basic amenities like toilet, water supply, electricity and kitchen. 

      PMAY-GRAMIN 

      • Background: Indira Awaas yojana (IAY) has been restructured into PMAY-G. 
      • Nodal Ministry: Ministry of Rural Development
      • Launched in: 2016. 
      • Type of scheme: Centrally Sponsored Scheme. 
      • Aim: To ensure the provision of pucca housing for all individuals who are homeless or living in dilapidated  houses in rural areas except Delhi and Chandigarh by 2024, instead of the previous goal of 2022.
      • Target: Construction of 2.95 crore houses by March 2024. 
      • Funding pattern: Shared between Central and State Governments in the ratio 60:40 in plain areas and 90: 10  for North Eastern and Himalayan States. 
      • Eligible Beneficiaries: All the houseless households living in zero, one, or two-room houses with kutcha walls  and kutcha roofs. 
      • Criteria for Automatic/Compulsory Inclusion:  
        • Households without shelter 
        • Destitute/ living on alms 
        • Manual scavengers 
        • Primitive Tribal Groups 
        • Legally released bonded labourer. 
      • Selection of Beneficiaries: Through a three stage validation - Socio Economic Caste Census 2011, Gram  Sabha, and geo-tagging. 
      • Benefits: Financial Assistance of ₹ 1,20,000 per unit for plain areas, and ₹ 1,30,000 per unit for hilly areas,  difficult areas, and Integrated Action Plan districts. 
        • Can avail of institutional finance (loan) of up to ₹ 70,000 at 3% lower interest rate. o The minimum size of the house shall be is 25 sq m including a dedicated area for hygienic cooking. o In convergence with Swachh Bharat Mission-Gramin (SBM-G), get financial assistance of up to ₹ 12,000 for  the construction of toilets. 
        • In convergence with MGNREGA, the beneficiary is entitled to employment as unskilled labour at ₹ 90.95 per  day for 95 days. 
        • In convergence with Pradhan Mantri Ujjwala Yojana, one LPG connection per house is provided. o Payments are made electronically directly to bank accounts or post office accounts that are linked to Aadhaar
      • Exclusion: Candidates that have: 
        • motorised two wheeler, three-wheeler, four-wheeler and agriculture equipment or fishing boat, Kisan Credit  Card (KCC) with a limit greater or equal to Rs.50,000, at least one member that is employed with the  government or earning more than Rs. 10,000 per month, that pays Income Tax, professional tax or owns a  refrigerator or landline phone connection.

      Key observations & recommendations by Standing committee:

      • Gap in housing demand assessment: Under PMAY-U, initially the total housing shortage was estimated at two crore houses.  However, the actual demand for housing under the scheme stands at 1.23 crore.  The Ministry informed the Committee that the initial figure for housing shortage was based on estimates whereas the scheme was demand driven.  The Committee observed that since it is a demand driven scheme, some homeless people might not have availed its benefits due to non-fulfilment of eligibility conditions or requirement of land.  It recommended the Ministry to conduct an impact assessment and accordingly extend the scheme with necessary changes or formulate another scheme to provide housing for the urban poor.
      • Lack of basic amenities: As per PMAY-U guidelines, all houses under the affordable housing in partnership with private and public sectors and in-situ slum redevelopment (ISSR) verticals should have basic facilities like water, sanitation, and electricity.  Further, urban local bodies (ULBs) should ensure that houses under credit linked subsidy scheme and beneficiary led construction (BLC) verticals have access to such basic services.  The Committee noted that as of December 2022, 5.6 lakh houses were not delivered to beneficiaries due to lack of basic services.
      • Timeline for grounding and completion: Under PMAY-U, of the total 123 lakh sanctioned houses, 107 lakh houses (87%) have been grounded till December 2022 and 61 lakh houses have been delivered to beneficiaries.  Further, as of October 2022, less than 50% of houses have been completed in north eastern states (except Tripura) due to geographical and economic reasons.  The Committee recommended that in order to achieve the scheme’s target by December 31, 2024, the Ministry should ensure strict timelines for starting and completing the construction of houses. 
      • Low sanctioning of houses under ISSR vertical: Under the ISSR vertical, slum dwellers are rehabilitated.  The Committee noted that despite being an important vertical, as it provides housing to landless people, the number of houses sanctioned under it are low.   Against a demand of 14.35 lakh houses, only 4.33 lakh were sanctioned.  Further, as of December 2022, only 99,000 houses have been delivered and 1.08 lakh houses are non-starter (not grounded/ construction not started).  Reasons for such poor performance under the ISSR vertical include availability of land, seeking statutory clearances, and clearing slums.    

      Fostering Diversity: India's Demographic Landscape

      Context: A recent working paper by the Economic Advisory Council to the Prime Minister (EAC-PM) has shed light on India's evolving religious demographics between 1950 and 2015.

      India's Demographic Landscape

      Highlights of the study

      • The study, titled 'Share of Religious Minorities: A Cross-Country Analysis (1950-2015),' reveals intriguing trends that underscore India's conducive environment for fostering diversity.        

      Changing Religious Composition

      • Over the span of 65 years, India has witnessed significant shifts in its religious composition.
      • The share of the Hindu population decreased by 7.82%, from 84.68% in 1950 to 78.06% in 2015. Conversely, the Muslim population saw a notable increase of 43.15%, rising from 9.84% to 14.09% during the same period.
      • Meanwhile, other religious communities experienced varying trajectories. The share of Christians rose marginally from 2.24% to 2.36%, while Sikhs saw a modest increase from 1.24% to 1.85%. However, the Parsi community faced a substantial decline, with their share plummeting by 85%, from 0.03% to 0.004%.

      Global and Regional Perspectives

      • India's demographic trends stand out against regional and global contexts. Unlike neighbouring countries where minority populations have faced alarming shrinkage, India's minority shares have surged.
      • This is particularly remarkable given the wider South Asian neighbourhood’s trend of increasing majority dominance and diminishing minority presence.

      Policy Implications and Baseline Year

      • The paper underscores the significance of 1950 as a baseline year.
      • This period marked the emergence of the international human rights framework, emphasizing the protection of minority rights.

      Implications for Social Policy

      • The findings highlight the importance of nurturing a supportive environment for diverse communities.
      • Policy actions and societal processes play crucial roles in shaping demographic dynamics.
      • The paper suggests that promoting better life outcomes for disadvantaged sections necessitates a bottom-up approach, rooted in inclusive policies and societal support.

      Conclusion

      India's demographic landscape presents a nuanced narrative of change and continuity. Amidst global and regional trends of religious polarization, India stands as a beacon of diversity. The EAC-PM's working paper underscores the need for continued efforts to uphold the principles of inclusivity and tolerance, essential for fostering a pluralistic society in the 21st century.

      Nata Pratha

      Context: The National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) issued notices to the Union Ministry of Women and Child Development and the States of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and Gujarat over a practice known as ‘Nata Pratha’.

      About Nata Pratha: 

      • It is a centuries-old social practice, where girls are sold by their family members under the guise of marriage in parts of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, and Gujarat. 
      • It is usually practiced by the Bhil tribe, the one of the largest tribes in South Asia.
      • It is a practice in which two persons can enter into a relationship similar to marriage without any legal and religious/social obligation by getting a divorce from existing marriage or otherwise. 
      • The practice involves monetary dealing in which a bride price is usually paid to the woman or her parents or previous husband by the new groom. 
      • This involves selling “on a stamp paper” or marrying off underage girls from some communities. These “sales and marriages” are usually conducted by their own families.
      • In this custom woman typically goes to live with the man, leaving behind the children from her previous marriage. The custom allows men to live with as many women resulting in children being abandoned by their parents.
      • Traditionally, both the man and the woman are supposed to be married or widowed, but the custom has evolved to include single people as well.