Social Participation during Freedom Struggle

Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh: The Mahanayak of Sonakhan

Context: Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh Memorial-cum-Tribal Freedom Fighters Museum in Chhattisgarh to honour the state’s first martyr and a legendary leader of tribal resistance during India’s First War of Independence (1857).

About Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh

Born: 1795, in Sonakhan (present-day Balodabazar-Bhatapara district), Chhattisgarh
Community: Belonged to the Binjhwar tribal community, known for valor and integrity.
Legacy: Revered as the “Mahanayak of Sonakhan” for his leadership, compassion, and defiance of British exploitation.

Key Events of His Life and Revolt

Humanitarian Defiance (1856):
During a severe famine, Singh seized grain hoarded by a British-backed trader in Kashadol and distributed it among starving villagers — a direct act of defiance against colonial economic oppression.
Imprisonment and Escape:
The British authorities arrested and jailed him in Raipur, but he escaped in 1857, coinciding with the outbreak of the Indian Rebellion.
Armed Uprising:
Returning to Sonakhan, he mobilized over 500 tribal and peasant fighters, initiating one of the earliest organized uprisings in central India. His movement reflected both the anti-colonial sentiment and tribal assertion against feudal and foreign exploitation.
Martyrdom:
Veer Narayan Singh was captured deceitfully and executed publicly on 10 December 1857 in Raipur — becoming the first martyr of Chhattisgarh. His bravery inspired subsequent regional resistance movements.

Historical and Regional Significance

Symbol of Tribal Resistance: His movement predates many mainstream revolts and highlights the role of Adivasi leadership in India’s early freedom struggle.
Socio-Economic Uprising: His actions were rooted not only in political rebellion but also in social justice — fighting hunger, inequality, and British-backed exploitation.
Cultural Legacy: The Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh Stadium in Raipur, one of India’s largest cricket stadiums, is named in his honour.

About Chhattisgarh

State Formation: Formed on 1 November 2000 after separation from Madhya Pradesh.
Capital: Raipur
Cultural Identity: Known as the “Rice Bowl of India”, Chhattisgarh has a vibrant tribal heritage, comprising over 30% of its population. The new museum aims to showcase the state’s rich tribal contributions to India’s freedom movement.

Conclusion

Shaheed Veer Narayan Singh’s legacy represents the courage and resilience of India’s tribal communities, who fought for justice, dignity, and independence.

The newly inaugurated memorial stands as a national tribute — reaffirming India’s commitment to recognizing grassroots heroes who shaped its freedom struggle.

Periyar Memorial to be Built in Alappuzha

Context: The Tamil Nadu government will construct a memorial for social reformer Periyar E.V. Ramasamy at Arookutty in Alappuzha, Kerala. A key figure in the Vaikom Satyagraha, Periyar's memorial site will be the land recently transferred from Kerala to Tamil Nadu without tax.

Information from the news:

Periyar spent a month in the Arookutty jail, then part of the princely state of Travancore, following his arrest in 1924 while participating in the Vaikom Satyagraha (March 1924-November 1925), a major social reform movement.
The remnants of the jail still exist on the site where the memorial is proposed.
The memorial will honour Periyar’s contribution to the Vaikom Satyagraha and the design will incorporate a prison facade.

Periyar E. V. Ramasamy:

Born in 1879, he worked as a Congress worker till 1925.
Later, associated himself with Justice Party of Madras.
During 1920- 1925, being in the Congress Party he stressed that Congress should accept communal representation.
E.V.R. opposed the Varnashrama policy followed in the V.V.S. Iyer’s Cheranmahadevi/ Seranmadevi Gurugulam/Gurukulam.
He quarrelled with Gandhi over the question of separate dining for Brahmin and non-Brahmin students at Gurukulam, a Congress-sponsored school owned by nationalist leader V V S Iyer in Cheranmahadevi near Tirunelveli.
At the request of parents, Iyer had provided separate dining for Brahmin students, which Periyar opposed.
After failing to bend the Congress to his view, Periyar resigned from the party in 1925.
Subsequently in 1925, he started the ‘Self-Respect Movement’.
The aims of the ‘Self -Respect Movement’ were to uplift the Dravidians and to expose the Brahmanical tyranny and deceptive methods by which they controlled all spheres of Hindu life.
He denounced the caste system, child marriage and enforced widowhood.
He encouraged inter-caste marriages and himself conducted many marriages without any rituals. Such a marriage was known as ‘Self-Respect Marriage’.
He attacked the laws of Manu, which he called the basis of the entire Hindu social fabric of caste.
He founded the Tamil journals ‘Kudiarasu; Puratchi and Viduthalai’ to propagate his ideals.
He was one of the pioneering voices against Kula Kalvi Thittam introduced by the then Chief Minister C. Rajagopalachari.
Kula Kalvi Thittam proposed to impose on schoolchildren a method of education, wherein students would learn their family’s profession as part of the school curriculum.
In 1938 at Tamil Nadu Women’s Conference, appreciating the noble service rendered by E.V.R., he was given the title ‘Periyar’.
In 1940s, Periyar launched a political party, Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), which espoused an independent Dravida Nadu comprising Tamil, Malayalam, Telugu, and Kannada speakers.
On 27th June 1970, the UNESCO organisation praised and adorned him with the title ‘Socrates of South Asia’.

Vaikom Satyagraha (1924):

Vaikom:
Religious town located inside the Kingdom of Travancore. The town is famous for Vaikom Shiva Temple.
The temple did not permit lower castes to enter it and even the roads around the Vaikom Shiva temple were closed to the polluting castes.
The issue of temple entry was first raised by Ezhava leader TK Madhavan in a 1917 editorial in his paper Deshabhimani.
The protest was initially led by T.K. Madhavan, K.P. Kesava Menon, and George Joseph, among others.
Till 1917, the Indian National Congress refused to take up social reform, but with the rise of Gandhi and increased activism within lower caste communities and untouchables, social reform soon found itself front and centre of Congress’s and Gandhi’s politics.
In 1921, T K Madhavan met with Mahatma Gandhi at Tirunelveli to seek his advice and support for launching an agitation.
Gandhi’s involvement in the struggle proved crucial as it mobilised the educated upper-caste Hindu opinion in favour of temple entry.
Madhavan joined the Congress and participated in the party’s Kakinada session in 1923, where a resolution was passed for the eradication of untouchability.
Kerala Congress formed an untouchability eradication council under the leadership of K Kelappan. The council arrived in Vaikom in February 1924 to take out a procession through the prohibited roads.
March 30, 1924: Two untouchables and an upper caste Nair community person took the road around Vaikom Shiva temple that was closed to ‘polluting castes’.
Leaders such as C. Rajagopalachari came to Vaikom to offer support and lead the protesters.
Contribution of Periyar:
President of the Madras Congress Committee, E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker, arrived in Vaikom on April 13, 1924, during the imprisonment of Satyagraha leaders.
After his release from Arookutty jail in June 1924, Periyar was rearrested in July for his involvement in the struggle.
He came to be known as Vaikom Veerar (Hero of Vaikom) for his participation in the movement.
In August, 1924, the Maharaja of Travancore died, following which, the young Maharani Regent, Queen Sethulakshmi Bai, released all prisoners.
But when a large group of protesters marched to the royal palace in Trivandrum, she refused to allow all castes access to temples.
In March 1925, Gandhi began his tour of Travancore and was able to iron out a compromise:
Gandhi organised a peaceful jatha of Hindus from Vaikom to Thiruvananthapuram and back. This jatha helped raise social consciousness against untouchability.
Three out of the four roads surrounding the temples were opened up for everyone but the fourth, eastern road, was kept reserved for brahmins.
This was finally implemented in November 1925, when the government completed diversionary roads that could be used by the low castes without polluting the temple.
In November 1936, almost a decade after the conclusion of the Satyagraha, the historic Temple Entry Proclamation was signed by the Maharaja of Travancore which removed the age-old ban on the entry of marginalised castes into the temples of Travancore.

Reinterpreting the Santhal rebellion

Context: Australian historian Peter Stanley, in his book "Hul! Hul! The Suppression of the Santhal Rebellion in Bengal, 1855," sheds light on Santhal rebellion and provides a comprehensive account that challenges existing narratives.

Unveils unexplored perspectives: Stanley has examined British military records that have been underutilized in previous historical accounts and highlighted the lack of comprehensive studies on the Santhal rebellions.
Provides a comprehensive exploration: The research has provided a detailed account of the Santhal uprising, surpassing traditional histories that often overlook specific experiences and presents a more holistic view of the rebellion, giving voice to the Santhal people and their struggles against oppression.
Origins of Santhals and Motivations: Traces the origin of the Santhal people, migratory history, thus, establishing the context in which the rebellion occurred. The pivotal role of Sidhu and Kanhu has been highlighted, who claimed divine inspiration to fight against the zamindars and seek a resolution to their plight.
Oppressive zamindars: The writer has highlighted that the Santhals' primary adversaries were the oppressive zamindars who held economic control over the land. The rebellion began with the destruction of indigo factories, a powerful symbol of foreign landlords.
Visibility of victims: Stanley's account goes beyond the traditional focus on military engagements to shed light on the often-forgotten victims of the rebellion: Santhal women. By recounting instances of potential sexual harassment and assault by soldiers, the author highlights the vulnerabilities faced by Santhal women and the absence of justice for their suffering.
Rediscovering Santhal Poetry: The author has incorporated Santhal poetry throughout the book. These verses capture the essence of the rebellion and the struggles endured by the Santhal communities. They provide a glimpse into the emotional and cultural landscape of the Santhals during and after the ‘Hul’.

Santhal Rebellion (1855-1856)

Following the Battles of Plassey (1757) and Buxar (1764), the British East India Company gained control over Indian provinces, including Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha.
In 1793, Governor-General Lord Cornwallis implemented the Permanent Settlement System in Bengal and Bihar.
Permanent Settlement granted hereditary and lifelong rights to zamindars, who paid a fixed amount to the British government annually.
It resulted in widespread dissatisfaction among the local population and the exploitation of peasants.

Factors responsible

The uprising was fuelled by a multitude of factors that pushed the Santhals to their breaking point.

Forced relocation and exploitation:
- The Santhals, an agrarian tribal community dependent on forests for their livelihood, were encouraged to settle in the Damin-i-Koh region (now part of Jharkhand) established by the East India Company in 1832.
- They soon discovered that the area was ruled by zamindars, who were tax-collection agents with significant economic power.
- The motive behind this relocation was to meet the demand for agricultural labor in areas where the population had significantly declined due to the devastating Bengal Famine of 1770.
Exploitation by merchants and moneylenders:
- Exploitative practices such as false measurements, usury, and fraudulent lawsuits perpetuated their subjugation and kept them trapped in cycles of debt bondage.
- The exploitative systems of bonded labor, known as "kamioti" and "harwahi," made it practically impossible for the Santhals to repay their debts.
Tyranny of zamindars and capitalist agriculture:
- Extraction of exorbitant rents from their meagre earnings.
- Those employed in indigo plantations faced gruelling labour for meagre wages.
- The oppressive economic conditions disrupted their traditional way of life and further plunged them into poverty.
Ineffectual redress and neglect by British administration:
- The Santhals sought redressal through petitions to the British government and recourse to the courts, hoping for relief from their dire circumstances.
However, they were met with disappointment and indifference at every turn.
Eruption of Social Banditry and Popular Uprising:
- As a result of extreme oppression and neglect, social banditry emerged in 1854.
- Led by figures such as Bir Singh Manjhi, a group of Santhals targeted moneylenders and zamindars, redistributing their spoils among the impoverished Santhals.

The Santhal Rebellion Unfolds

The 'Hul,' as this momentous insurrection was known, was led by four brothers from Bhagnadihi village: Sidhu, Kanhu, Chand, and Bhairav Murmu.
Under their leadership, around 60,000 Santhals mobilized with traditional weapons.
Despite the rebellion primarily being associated with opposition against the British, it actually originated as a revolt against the exploitation perpetrated by Indian 'upper' caste zamindars, moneylenders, merchants, and darogas (police officials), collectively referred to as 'diku,' who had established dominance over the economic aspects of Santhal life.

Impact of the Santhal Rebellion

The uprising prompted the British government to pass the Santhal Parganas Tenancy Act in 1876, providing some protection to tribal members against exploitation.
The region between Bhagalpur and the Rajmahal hills in Singhbhum district was separated and designated as Santhal Pargana which was declared a non-regulation district.
The Santhal Rebellion shed light on the harshness of the zamindari system imposed by the British East India Company on the local indigenous populations.
It also exposed the exploitative practices of moneylenders, who took advantage of the Santhals' unfamiliarity with monetary systems and charged exorbitant interest rates on loans.
The rebellion had a profound impact on the Santhali identity and resistance against persecution, contributing to the establishment of the state of Jharkhand in 2000.

The Santhal community

Origin and Migration: The Santhals are believed to have originated from the Champa Kingdom in northern Cambodia. They led a nomadic life in the past but eventually settled in the Chhotanagpur Plateau. Towards the late 18th century, they migrated to the Santhal Parganas of Bihar and later expanded into Odisha.
The third largest Scheduled Tribe in India after the Gond and Bhil and primarily consists of agricultural people. They are predominantly located in Odisha, Jharkhand, Bihar, and West Bengal.
Compared to other tribal groups in these states, the Santhal population has a relatively high literacy rate. They speak the Santhali language, which has its own script called Ol Chiki, recognized in the Eighth Schedule of the constitution.

SAVITRIBAI PHULE

Context: Maharashtra Chief Minister directed to initiate a probe into a website that allegedly posted derogatory content against pioneering 19th-century educationists.

Savitribai Phule

She was from the Mali community and was born on January 3, 1831, in Maharashtra’s Naigaon village.
At the tender age of 10, she was married to 12-year-old Jyotirao Phule, a man of social reform himself, who believed that women must be educated. He began to home-school Savitribai. Later, Jyotirao admitted Savitribai to a teacher’s training institution in Pune.
She was an exponent of female education, equality, and justice who took on the caste system with her revolutionary ideals and strived to dismantle the elite-controlled education system.

Contributions of Savitribai Phule in Education:

In 1848, Savitibai and Jyotiba established the first-ever school for girls in Bhidewada of which Savitribai was the headmistress.
In 1853, they established an education society that opened more schools for girls and women from all classes, in surrounding villages.
Savitribai and Jyotirao broke social barriers, paving the way for women's emancipation in a time when female education was unheard of.
Known as modern India’s first female teacher and in 1852, she was declared the best teacher in the state by the British government.

Role as Social Reformer

Savitribai started the Balhatya Pratibandhak Griha (‘Home for the Prevention of Infanticide’), a childcare centre for sexually exploited, pregnant widows, and rape victims facing discrimination.
She also adopted a child of a widow, Yashwantrao.
In 1852, she started the Mahila Seva Mandal to fight for the rights of women.
She organized a strike against barbers in Pune and Mumbai, putting pressure on them to stop shaving the heads of Brahmin widows.
She is often referred to as the mother of Indian feminism.
In 1873, Savitibai and Jyotiba started ‘Satyashodhak Marriage’, a rejection of Brahmanical rituals where the marrying couple takes a pledge to promote education and equality.
In 1868, she along with her husband set up a well in their backyard to allow people from the oppressed classes to drink water.
In 1897, following the Bubonic plague, Savitribai set up a clinic in Hadapsar to attend to the victims of the plague.

Literary works

She published two collections of poems - Kavya Phule(Poetry’s Blossoms) was published in 1854 and Bhavan Kashi Subodh Ratnakar (The Ocean of Pure Gems), in 1892.

Her most iconic poem is titled 'Go, Get Education' and was intended to encourage women to educate themselves as the best means of fighting inequality.