Elections

Need to Safeguard the Right to Vote

Context: The Supreme Court of India has directed the Election Commission (EC) to consider Aadhaar cards, voter ID cards (EPIC), and ration cards as acceptable documents for the special intensive revision (SIR) of electoral rolls in Bihar. The move is aimed at improving access and reducing wrongful exclusions.

Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Universal Adult Suffrage (UAS) in India; Right to Vote. 

Universal Adult Suffrage (UAS) in India

  • Article 326 of the Constitution grants every adult citizen the right to vote, regardless of gender, caste, religion, education, or property. 
  • 61st Constitutional Amendment 1989: Initial threshold of 21 years of age for being eligible to vote was lowered to 18 by the 61st CAA. 
  • Kesavananda Bharati v. State of Kerala (1973) established democracy as part of the ‘basic structure’ doctrine. For this ideal to function meaningfully, people should be able to freely decide the fate of their government (through voting), an unassailable right that shapes governance.
  • Two Key laws operationalised this inclusive vision:
    • Representation of the People Act 1950 which governs the preparation and revision of electoral rolls. 
    • Representation of the People Act 1951 Act which regulates election conduct, candidature, and electoral offences. 
  • Under Article 324 the Election Commission (EC) serves as a constitutional guardian of elections, with powers of superintendence, direction, and control. EC’s key duty is to prepare accurate electoral rolls, guided by Section 19 of the RPA 1950, which mandates that any citizen aged 18 or above, ordinarily resident in a constituency and not disqualified, is entitled to be registered. 

Winston Churchill once said, “At the bottom of all tributes paid to democracy is the little man, walking into a little booth, with a little pencil, making a little cross on a little bit of paper…”

His words remain a timeless reminder that the health of any democracy ultimately rests on the sanctity of the ‘right to vote’.

Is Voting a Fundamental Right in India?

  • Constituent Assembly view: Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and K.T. Shah proposed including the right to vote as a fundamental right; the Constituent Assembly’s Advisory Committee ultimately rejected the idea. 
  • Kuldip Nayar v. Union of India (2006): The five-judge bench of the SC held that the ‘right to elect’ is a statutory right under Section 62 of the RPA 1951, and not a fundamental or constitutional right.
  • Rajbala v. State of Haryana (2016): The two-judge bench of SC described the ‘right to vote’ as a constitutional right, though not a fundamental right. However, the ruling of the larger-bench in the Kuldip Nayar judgment prevails. 
  • Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India (2023): The SC declined to pronounce on the issue, noting that it had already been settled by the Kuldip Nayar judgment.
    • In the minority view (dissent opinion), the Justice asserted that the ‘right to vote’ is an expression of Article 19(1)(a) and reflects the essence of Article 21. 
    • However, the ‘right to elect’ continues to be recognised as a statutory right

Nevertheless, the courts have regarded the right to vote as an inseparable part of democracy, as it enables citizens to shape governance, making it a democratic imperative vital to the Indian republic’s survival. 

John Dewey said, “Democracy is not just a form of government, but a social and personal ideal.”

Why does Electoral Roll Accuracy Matter?

  • Under Section 21 of the RPA, 1950, the EC is empowered to prepare and revise electoral rolls to ensure their accuracy and integrity.
  • Inaccuracies in Electoral Roll like mass omissions, ineligible inclusions, duplicates, or incorrect entries undermine the “one person, one vote” principle by enabling impersonation, disenfranchisement, or dilution of votes, which ultimately distorts the people’s mandate. 
  • The Bihar SIR controversy and broader electoral reform debates highlights the core democratic truth:
    • India’s democracy depends on electoral rolls that are accurate, inclusive, and accessible. 
    • Purification of rolls is necessary because just as the exclusion of an eligible voter undermines democracy, so does the inclusion of an ineligible name.

Thus, EC must complete the exercise with a careful balance between genuine vigilance and inclusion to uphold the fairness of the process. The SC’s suggestion to include more accepted documents helps safeguard every genuine elector’s right to be represented.

Why are Bihar’s Electoral Rolls being revised?

Context: The Election Commission of India (EC) has initiated a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of the electoral rolls in Bihar ahead of the upcoming Legislative Assembly elections.

Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: About Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls. Mains: Pros and Cons of Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls.

What is an Electoral Roll?

  • Electoral roll (also known as a voter list) is an official list of all eligible voters in a particular constituency who are entitled to vote in elections.
  • Article 324 of the Constitution provides that the superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of electoral rolls for the conduct of elections to Parliament and State legislature shall vest with the EC.
  • Article 326 provides that every citizen who is not less than 18 years of age shall be entitled to be registered as a voter (elector). 
  • The electoral rolls are prepared by the EC as per the provisions of the Representation of the People Act, 1950 (RP Act).

As per the Representation of the People Act, 1950:

  • Section 16 disqualifies non-citizens from being enrolled.
  • Section 19 mandates that a person must be 18 years old and an ordinary resident in the constituency.
  • Section 20 defines "ordinary resident" and clarifies that mere ownership of a house does not count, but temporary absence does not negate residency.

What is Special Revision of Electoral Rolls?

  • Exercise conducted by the Election Commission of India (ECI) to verify, correct, and update the list of eligible voters outside the regular annual revision cycle.
  • Section 21 of the Representation of the People (RP) Act empowers the Election Commission (EC) to undertake a special revision of electoral rolls at any time, citing reasons in writing.

Why has an SIR been initiated?

  • The EC observed large-scale additions and deletions in electoral rolls over the past two decades, primarily due to rapid urbanisation and migration, raising the risk of duplicate and inaccurate entries.
  • ECI is constitutionally obligated to ensure that only eligible citizens are enrolled in the electoral rolls. Accordingly, the EC has decided to carry out an SIR for the entire country, starting with Bihar. The last such SIR was carried out for Bihar in 2003.
  • The qualifying date is 1 July, 2025. Any citizen who is 18 years or older as of July 1, 2025, and meets all other eligibility criteria, is entitled to be included in the updated electoral roll. 
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Pros of the Special Intensive Revision (SIR): 

  • Help to eliminate duplicate entries, ineligible voters, and ensure only citizens who are ordinarily resident are included. The process adheres to provisions in the RP Act and Registration of Electors Rules (RER), ensuring only genuine residents are registered in a constituency. 
  • Aadhaar is rightly excluded as a document of registration as it is not a proof of citizenship or date of birth, aligning with constitutional and legal standards.
  • Reliance on official documents like caste certificates, family registers, and land records is seen as a more legally sound approach to validate identity and citizenship.

Challenges associated with Special Intensive Revision (SIR) : 

  • Requirement for all 8 crore voters in Bihar to submit enumeration forms is a humongous task. Nearly 3 crore voters will need to submit documents proving date and place of birth for themselves and their parents, which may be difficult for many.
  • Despite large manpower deployment, the scale of the exercise may still lead to errors in inclusion/exclusion of voters. Migrant labourers and students may be unable to complete documentation within deadlines, risking exclusion from the rolls.
  • Under the Registration of Electors Rules, 1960 (RER), Aadhaar is mandatory for new voter registration unless it is unavailable. It is accepted as proof of both date of birth and place of residence. The Election Commission’s requirement of additional documents through a separate declaration form to establish date and place of birth deviates from this standard practice. For many poor and marginalised citizens, Aadhaar is their only form of identification. Excluding it as a valid document could lead to their disenfranchisement.
  • In January 2023, the EC had proposed a remote voting system for migrants, suggesting a shift toward greater inclusion- the current SIR seems to pull in the opposite direction.

Way Forward

  • The EC should ensure that adequate safeguards are put in place for the completion of the exercise without errors. 
  • The Booth Level Agents (BLAs) should actively participate to prevent errors of omission or addition.
  • Based on ground realities observed during the first phase, the EC should relax or modify documentation norms during the claims and objections phase, ensuring no eligible citizen is excluded.
  • Ensure that no eligible citizen is excluded due to their inability to produce any document from the list of valid documents. 
  • Do not remove long-term migrant workers from their home constituency rolls if they wish to vote there and continue to have familial or property links.
  • As per the 2010 RP Act amendment, NRIs can vote from their Indian constituency of origin; a similar flexible approach should be considered for internal migrants.
  • Address the issue of duplicate voter IDs for the same person in different constituencies through Aadhaar seeding.
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Political Participation of Women in India

Context: Participation of women in Indian politics has been a subject of extensive discourse among scholars. While India has produced several influential women leaders, the overall political engagement among women remains poor. 

Relevance of the Topic:Mains: Political Participation of Women in India- Key Trends & Challenges. 

Contemporary Trends

  • Women’s voter turnout has remained significantly lower than men’s for decades. In many Western democracies the gender gap in political participation started narrowing in the 1990s, while India witnessed this shift much later in 2010, influenced by socio-political changes.
  • Despite the increase in voter turnout, their representation in legislative bodies and deeper political involvement in party affairs remains limited. 
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Reasons for Low Participation in Past:

  • Patriarchal society: In Indian society politics has been traditionally viewed as a male-dominated sphere. Women are often discouraged from engaging in political discussions or assuming leadership roles.
  • Influence of Family and Caste/Community: Women, particularly in rural areas, are often treated as passive voters. Their political and voting choices are often shaped by the male members of their families.
  • Structural challenges such as difficulties in voter registration, mobility constraints after marriage, lack of voter awareness, often contribute to lower participation rates compared to men.
  • Political violence: Women face safety concerns when participating in political events, campaigns and exercising their right to vote in certain regions where violence and intimidation are prevalent.
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Women as Voters- Emerging Trends

  • Increase in voter turnout: Women’s voter turnout has seen a steady increase since the 2010s, often surpassing male voter turnout in some states.
  • Role of Welfare Schemes: Political parties target women voters through welfare schemes such as Ujjwala (free LPG connections), PM Awas Yojana (housing benefits), and Ladli Behna (financial support) in which women are direct beneficiaries.
  • Voting choices: Studies have shown that a growing number of women are making independent voting decisions. However, about 14% still seek advice from their spouses or male family members, reflecting the influence of patriarchal norms.
  • Self-Empowerment hypothesis: Rise in female literacy and employment opportunities are often cited as a reason for increasing political participation. Educated women are more likely to vote and engage in political discourse.
  • Male migration: In many states, large-scale male migration has resulted in a higher proportion of women voters, particularly in economically backward regions where men migrate for work.
  • State-Specific voting trends: Women’s voting behavior is shaped by regional political contexts. For example, in states like Tamil Nadu and Kerala, regional political movements influence women’s electoral choices more than national trends.
  • Efforts by the Election Commission, like targeted campaigns, to ensure higher female voter registration and participation, have contributed to increased voter turnout. 

Key Data on Women Political Representation: 

  • Women had a higher turnout than men in the 2024 Lok Sabha election, with 65.8% participating compared to men's 65.6%. 
  • The total number of women contesting general elections in the country has increased from 3% in 1957 to 10% in 2024.
  • Women representation in Lok Sabha has increased from 5% in the first Lok Sabha to 15% in the 17th Lok Sabha (2019-24).
  • Women constitute approximately 14% of the Members of Parliament (75 women MPs) in the 18th Lok Sabha (2024-29). 
  •  In the Rajya Sabha, the total number of women members in 1952 was 15, which is 39 in 2024, approximately 17% of the total members. 
  •  India has about 14.5 lakh Elected Women Representatives (EWRs) in Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs), which is about 46% of the total elected representatives. 
  • There are 21 States in India that have provision for 50% reservation for women in PRIs, as against the constitutional mandate of minimum 33% reservation for women.
  • The enactment of the 106th Constitutional Amendment, 2023 (Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam mandates 33% reservation for women in both the Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies across the country, including the legislature of the UTs of Delhi and Puducherry.

Way Forward

  • Political parties must ensure greater inclusion of women in leadership roles, moving beyond token representation.
  • Increased awareness campaigns can help women understand their rights, interests and the significance of their political participation.
  • Policy reforms: Moving beyond welfare schemes in which women are passive recipients to policies that genuinely empower women as decision-makers and stakeholders in governance.
  • Addressing structural barriers such as voter registration gaps, mobility constraints that hinder women’s active political engagement with the help of ECI.
  • Extending women’s reservation to state and national legislatures could significantly enhance their political representation and influence. (From women development to women-led development as proposed by Nari Sakti Adhiniyam 2023). 

While women’s voter turnout has increased, their overall political participation in India remains constrained. A holistic approach is necessary to ensure that women transition from being mere voters to active political agents.

Why are Electoral Reforms Necessary?

Context: Recently, there have been allegations of manipulation of electoral rolls during the recently concluded assembly elections in Delhi. Issues were raised with respect to duplicate Electoral Photo Identity Card (EPIC) numbers in Bengal. This necessitates reforms in the electoral process. 

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Reforms needed in Election Commission and Electoral system

Issues faced by the Electoral System

  • Criminalisation of Politics: As per Association of Democratic Reforms, criminalisation of politics has reached its peak with 251 (46%) of the 543 elected MPs in 2024, having criminal cases against them. Of them 170 (31%) face serious criminal charges including rape, murder, attempt to murder and kidnapping.
  • Election Expenditure Violations: Candidates regularly breach the expenditure limit. There is no limit on political party spending. In the 2024 Lok Sabha election poll expenditure was estimated at ₹1,00,000 crore (Centre for Media Studies), leading to corruption and an unfair playing field.
  • Issues in Campaign process: Star Campaigners’ of most parties have been guilty of using inappropriate and abusive words against leaders of other political parties, appealing to caste/communal feelings of electors, and making unsubstantiated allegations.
  • Duplicate Electoral Photo Identity Card (EPIC) Numbers: Cases of identical EPIC numbers found across different states (West Bengal, Gujarat, Haryana, Punjab). 

Also Read: Can two electors have identical EPIC numbers? 

Reforms Demanded by the Election Commission (EC):

  • Ceiling on Political Parties’ Expenditure: Similar to the expenditure limit imposed on individual candidates to ensure fair competition and prevent undue influence through excessive spending.
  • State Funding of Political Parties (Not Elections): Independent audits of political parties and state funding of political parties to enhance transparency and reduce dependency on private donations.
  • Ban on Private donations: Complete prohibition of private funding to curb undue corporate or individual influence. Focus on state-controlled mechanisms to regulate financial inputs.
  • Establishment of a National Election Fund: Creation of an independent fund for tax-free donations and allocation of funds based on parties' electoral performance to ensure fairness.
  • Reforms in 2023 Amendment Act: The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners Appointment and Service Condition and Terms of Office Act 2023 has missed out on protecting the two Election Commissioners from removal from office, so that they do not feel as if they are on probation and their elevation to CEC would be dependent on the government’s pleasure, this needs to be looked into in order to maintain the sanctity of the Commission

Other suggestions

  • Elimination of Fake Voters and Duplicate EPIC Cards: Link Aadhaar with EPIC cards after stakeholder discussions and addressing the concerns over privacy.
  • EVM and VVPAT Matching Process:
    • Sample size for VVPAT verification should be decided scientifically at the state/regional level. If a discrepancy is found in even one instance, a full VVPAT count for that region should be mandated.
    • The Supreme Court has directed that the burnt memory of microcontrollers of 5% of EVMs in every assembly segment can be checked and verified by a team of engineers of the EVM manufacturers in case of any suspicion of tampering. 
  • Transparency on Criminal Cases Against Candidates: As per Supreme Court directive, Candidates and political parties must publish criminal records thrice before elections in newspapers and electronic media. Strict enforcement will help voters make informed decisions.

Comprehensive reforms in voting, counting, campaign financing, and candidate transparency are necessary to maintain the integrity of electoral institutions and safeguard India’s electoral democracy.

Should convicted candidates contest Elections?

Context: The Supreme Court of India is currently hearing petitions seeking a lifetime ban on convicted individuals from contesting elections.

Relevance of the Topic:Mains: Electoral Reforms: Can convicted candidates contest elections? 

Legal Provisions in this regard

  • Section 8(3) of the Representation of the People Act, 1951 (RP Act, 1951): Disqualifies individuals convicted of criminal offences and sentenced to imprisonment for two years or more. Such individuals remain disqualified for six years post-release.
  • Section 8(1) of RP Act, 1951: It further disqualifies individuals convicted under specific laws. The disqualification lasts during the sentence and 6 years post the release. The offences include:
    • Heinous crimes like Rape.
    • Protection of Civil Rights (PCR) Act, Preaching or practicing Untouchability.
    • Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) for unlawful associations.
    • Prevention of Corruption Act.
  • Section 11 of RP Act, 1951: It empowers the Election Commission (EC) to remove or reduce the disqualification period of a convicted person.

Present Trends

A report by ADR states that: 

  • 251 (46%) of the 543 elected MPs in 2024, have criminal cases against them.
  • 171 (31%) face serious criminal charges including rape, murder, attempt to murder and kidnapping.
  • Candidates with criminal records have a 15.4% chance of winning, compared to 4.4% for candidates with a clean record.

Supreme Court decisions in the past:

  • Association for Democratic Reforms (2002): This mandated disclosure of criminal records of candidates contesting elections.
  • CEC vs Jan Chaukidar (2013): Patna High Court interpreted that under-trial prisoners, as non-electors under Section 62(5) of RP Act, 1951, are ineligible to contest elections. However, Parliament amended the law to allow them to contest elections.
  • Lily Thomas Case (2013): Struck down Section 8(4) of RP Act, 1951, which allowed convicted legislators to continue in office if they filed an appeal. Post-judgment, disqualification is immediate upon conviction.

Current Petition:

  • The petition seeks a lifetime ban on convicted individuals from contesting elections, arguing that convicted persons are ineligible for even junior government jobs, so they should not be lawmakers.

Central Government’s stance (2020 affidavit): 

  • MPs and MLAs are not subject to ‘service conditions’ like government employees. The existing six-year disqualification post-release is deemed sufficient.
  • The Supreme Court has sought fresh responses from the Central Government and the EC on the issue.

Arguments for and against a permanent ban on convicted candidates from contesting elections:

Arguments in favorArguments against
- Integrity of Legislative bodies: A permanent ban is seen as a necessary measure to maintain the integrity of legislative bodies. The current temporary bans are considered inadequate.

- Criminalisation in politics It would address the broader issue of criminalization in politics.

- Conflict of interest Convicted politicians returning to Parliament and State Legislatures face a conflict of interest when vetting laws.

- Democratic integrity Allowing those convicted of heinous crimes to return after a short sentence defeats democratic integrity.
- Banning candidates with criminal records may impact parties expected winning probabilities, benefiting third-party candidates.

-Case to case basis Each case should be decided on its own merit, considering the gravity of offenses and criminal history.

Way forward

  • Law Commission and EC Recommendations:
    • In 1999 and 2014, it has been suggested barring candidates from contesting if charged with offences carrying over five years of imprisonment.
    • However, political consensus on this has been lacking due to likely misuse.
    • Permanent disqualification may be disproportionate for minor convictions without moral turpitude.
    • Matters related to heinous crimes and corruption-related convictions may warrant lifetime disqualification.
    • The EC’s power to alter disqualification periods should be reviewed for constitutional validity.

While a complete lifetime ban on convicted politicians is under consideration, stricter measures for serious crimes and a review of the EC’s discretionary powers could be viable steps toward reducing the criminalization of politics.

Selection Process for Chief Election Commissioner

Context: The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023 was enacted in 2023. The appointment process of the Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) has undergone significant changes with the enactment of the Act. 

Traditionally, the senior-most Election Commissioner was appointed the next Chief Election Commissioner (CEC). 

Constitutional Provisions

  • Article 324(2): 
    • Election Commission shall consist of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of Election Commissioners, as the President may fix from time-to-time. 
    • Appointment of the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners are made by the President, subject to the law enacted by the Parliament.
  • Dec 2023: The parliament enacted the Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023. 

Key features of The Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners (Appointment, Conditions of Service and Term of Office) Act, 2023:

  • Election Commission: Election Commission will consist of a Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) and other Election Commissioners (ECs). The President will periodically fix the number of ECs.
  • Appointment Process: The Commission will be appointed by the President, upon the recommendation of the Selection Committee.
    • A Search Committee headed by the Minister of Law and Justice will suggest five names to the Selection Committee for appointment as Chief Election Commissioner and Other Election Commissioners.
    • Selection Committee: Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners will be appointed by the President on the recommendation of a Selection Committee consisting of
      • Prime Minister (Chairperson).
      • Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha (or leader of the single largest opposition party).
      • Union Cabinet Minister appointed by Prime Minister.
    • The Selection Committee may also consider any other person than those included in the panel by the Search Committee.
  • Eligibility criteria:  The CEC and ECs must:
    • be persons of integrity, 
    • have knowledge and experience in the management and conduct of elections, and 
    • be or have been Secretary (or equivalent) to the government.
  • Term and reappointment:
    • Members of the Election Commission will hold office for six years, or until they attain the age of 65 years, whichever is earlier.  
    • Members of the Commission cannot be re-appointed.  
    • If an EC is appointed as a CEC, the overall period of the term may not be more than six years.
  • Salary and pension: The salary, allowances, and other conditions of service of the CEC and ECs will be equivalent to that of the Cabinet Secretary.
  • Removal: The CEC may be removed in the same manner and on the same grounds as a Supreme Court Judge. ECs may be removed only upon the recommendation of the CEC.

Key Issues

  • Potential government dominance: The selection process of the Election Commission may be dominated by the government, which has implications for its independence.
    • Even as the senior most Election Commissioner remains a potential candidate for the top post, Section 8 of the Act gives the selection committee the option of considering names from outside the Election Commission.
    • The new process may raise concerns regarding procedural fairness.
  • Eligibility limitations: CECs and ECs also perform quasi-judicial functions, limiting these posts to senior bureaucrats may exclude other suitable candidates.
  • Free and fair election is part of basic structure as per the ruling of Raj Narayan Case, which might be impacted.
  • Merely financial independence is not enough to ensure overall independence of the institution, there is a need for substantive/administrative independence.

Suggestions and Way Forward

  • The Law Commission had recommended to have a selection committee comprising the Prime Minister, Leader of Opposition and the Chief Justice of India to ensure a balanced appointment process.
  • Alternative Committee Structure: The National Commission to Review the Working of the Constitution (NCRWC) suggested a committee including: Prime Minister + Leader of the Opposition in Lok Sabha + Leader of the Opposition in Rajya Sabha + Speaker of Lok Sabha + Deputy Chairman of Rajya Sabha.  

Way Forward: Dr. Ambedkar had warned that EC’s integrity can be compromised under the executive thumb, so it is of utmost importance to ensure that the appointment should not only be fair but also appear to be fair.

Should Voter ID be linked with Aadhaar?

Context: The Election Commission of India (ECI) has renewed its push for the linking of AADHAR cards with Voter ID to combat voter fraud and enhance electoral integrity. In this context, let us discuss the merits and demerits of linking Aadhar with voter ID Cards. 

In this context, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has in the past recommended the linking of AADHAR cards with Voter ID to combat voter fraud and enhance electoral integrity. Let us discuss the merits and demerits of linking Aadhar with voter ID Cards.

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Electoral Reforms: Linking Aadhaar with Voter ID. 

Background: The initial decision to link Aadhaar with Voter IDs was taken in 2015, key features were.

  • It was aimed at removing bogus or duplicate entries from the electoral roll.
  • It was a voluntary exercise.
  • However, it was stopped after the Supreme Court ruling on August 11, 2015, restricting Aadhaar usage to only 3 government schemes:
    • Food grain distribution under PDS (Public Distribution System)
    • PMJDY (Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana)
    • MGNREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, 2005)

EC's stand post-2018 Judgement:

  • In 2018, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of Aadhaar and said the government could restrict the Right to privacy if there is a specific law, and if it is proportional to a state aim. (KS Puttaswami vs Union of India)
  • Subsequently, the proposal to link Aadhaar with electoral roll was reintroduced in 2019, ECI requested the government to amend election laws to enable the collection of Aadhaar details.
  • To bring this to effect, the government brought Election Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2021, to enable linking of Aadhar with voter IDs.
  • ECI amended Form 6 (new voters’ registration) to provide Aadhar details. It also introduced a new form ‘Form 6B’ to collect the Aadhar number of existing Voters.

Merits of Linking Aadhaar with Voter ID

  • Elimination of duplicate entries: By linking Aadhaar with Voter ID, the system can effectively eliminate duplicate voter registrations, ensuring that each individual has only one voter ID. This will help maintain the integrity of electoral rolls and reduce the chances of electoral fraud.
  • Improved accuracy in voter registration: The linkage allows for better verification of identity, ensuring that voters are registered in the correct electoral constituency. This can enhance the overall accuracy of the electoral rolls.
  • Streamlined electoral process: Linking Aadhaar can simplify various electoral processes, making it easier for voters to update their registration details online. This convenience can encourage more citizens to participate in elections.
  • Enhanced security measures: The biometric features associated with Aadhaar, such as fingerprints and iris scans, add an additional layer of security against identity theft and fraudulent voting practices.
  • Facilitation of government services: Many government services require both Aadhaar and Voter ID for identification purposes. Linking them can streamline access to these services, making it easier for citizens to avail themselves of benefits.
  • Assisting reforms: Aadhar linkage could be useful in reforms like remote voting, electronic and internet-based voting etc.
aadhar to voter id link

Issues arising in the linking of Aadhaar with Voter ID:

  • Aadhaar not a Proof of Citizenship: 
    • Section 9 of the Aadhaar Act, 2016 explicitly states that Aadhaar is not proof of citizenship but only of residency. UIDAI guidelines allow even non-citizens (residing in India for over 182 days) to obtain Aadhaar.
  • Linking such a document with voter ID — which requires Indian citizenship — creates a legal inconsistency and likelihood for non-citizens being included, or citizens being excluded, from electoral rolls.
  • Violation of Procedural Fairness: 
    • In Lal Babu Hussein v. Electoral Registration Officer (1995): The Supreme Court ruled that deletion of a name from the electoral roll must comply with the principles of natural justice, including prior notice and opportunity to be heard. 
    • Risk of error in data entry or deliberate deletion could lead to genuine voters being disenfranchised, as seen during the National Electoral Roll Purification and Authentication Programme (NERPAP) in 2018. Aadhaar-based deletions, especially those done algorithmically or without due notice shall violate these principles.
  • Contravention of Supreme Court’s Aadhaar Verdict: 
    • In Justice K.S. Puttaswamy v. Union of India (2018), the SC upheld the constitutional validity of Aadhaar but limited its mandatory usage to welfare schemes funded from the Consolidated Fund of India. 
    • Using Aadhaar for electoral purposes — not linked to welfare disbursement — falls outside the permitted use cases, raising concerns.
    • Although the linking is voluntary. Some individuals might feel pressured to link their Aadhaar due to social misinformation or lack of clarity about the implications of not doing so.
  • Database Unreliability: 
    • The CAG Audit Report (2021) on UIDAI found that 4.75 lakh Aadhaar numbers were cancelled due to duplication or faulty biometric capture. UIDAI had no specific criteria to verify whether an applicant had genuinely resided in India for the requisite 182 days.
    • Using such an error-prone, unverifiable database for electoral de-duplication is administratively unsound and likely to cause mass wrongful deletions.
  • Lack of Inter-Institutional Integrity: 
    • The Election Commission of India (ECI) is a constitutional body tasked with conducting free and fair elections.
    • The UIDAI, in contrast, is a statutory body under executive control. It is bound by government directions under Section 50 of the Aadhaar Act.
    • Entrusting UIDAI with access to electoral data risks executive overreach and compromises the independence of the electoral process.
  • Privacy and Data Misuse: There are concerns regarding privacy and data security. Given the Digital Personal Data Protection Act, 2023, provides broad exemptions for government entities, there is an increased risk of:
  • Voter data being accessed by ruling parties (leading to political microtargeting, misuse of personal information) 
  • Electoral rolls being manipulated
  • Strategic deletions in opposition-dominant areas.

Recommended Alternatives

  • Strengthen Traditional Verification Methods: Door-to-door verification by Booth Level Officers (BLOs)., Independent audits of electoral rolls involving neutral agencies and social audits to enhance transparency and prevent manipulation.
  • Improve Redressal Mechanisms: Implement citizen-friendly grievance mechanisms that are time-bound, digital, and locally accessible. Ensure notification and hearing before voter deletions.
  • Uphold Constitutional Principles: Voting is a constitutional right, not a welfare entitlement. Any policy affecting this right must ensure:
    • Proportionality
    • Necessity
    • Least restrictive means
    • Transparency and accountability.

While linking Aadhaar with Voter ID has several benefits like improving electoral integrity and accessibility by eliminating duplication of votes, there are concerns regarding privacy, exclusion, human integrity, impartiality, and objectivity which need to be addressed along with.

Democracy at Crossroads: Declining Voter Participation

Context: 2024 elections saw a high tide of democracy with elections in many countries including India, yet PEW’s recent global surveys highlighted that across 31 nations surveyed in 2024, about 54% of adults were not satisfied with the way democracy worked in their country. They felt disconnected from political leaders and institutions, and found that political parties did not represent their interests and that the common man had no influence on politics. This has led to the decline of voter participation.  

In this context, let us discuss the challenges faced by democracy including the decline of voter participation and ways to arrest it. 

Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Challenges faced by Democracy; Reasons for Decline in Voter Participation. 

Challenges faced by Democracy

  • Declining Democratic Quality: The Global State of Democracy Report 2024 has highlighted deteriorations in credible elections, effective parliaments, economic equality, and freedoms of expression and press. This decline has raised concerns about institutions and processes supporting democratic governance.
  • Erosion of Public Discourse: The electoral campaigns were characterized by a significant decline in decency within public discourse. Rhetoric and divisive language have become commonplace, undermining the integrity of political dialogue.
  • Misinformation and Polarisation: The rise of misinformation during elections has posed serious threats to electoral integrity. WEF reports indicate that misinformation significantly impacts voter perceptions and outcomes and exacerbates societal divisions.
  • Voter Discontent: WEF surveys indicated that approximately 54% of adults across 31 nations expressed dissatisfaction with their democratic systems. Many felt disconnected from political leaders and institutions, which suggests a broader frustration with representative democracy.
  • Erosion of Trust: There is a growing disillusionment with democratic institutions, particularly among younger populations. Many feel that elections do not yield meaningful change, leading to frustration and apathy towards the democratic process.
  • Resurgence of Authoritarianism: Many democracies are witnessing a rise in authoritarian tendencies, where leaders exploit crises to consolidate power. This trend can undermine democratic norms and institutions.
  • Weakening of Democratic values: There is a decline in fundamental democratic principles such as freedom of expression, rule of law, and civic rights.
  • External Interference: Democracies have become vulnerable to foreign interference, which can disrupt electoral processes and manipulate public opinion, the external pressure complicates efforts to maintain electoral integrity and public trust.
  • Economic Instability: Economic challenges, worsened by global crises such as climate change and geopolitical tensions, can lead to dissatisfaction with democratic governance. In such situations, citizens turn to populist or extremist parties that promise quick fixes rather than sustainable solutions.
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Reasons for Decline in Voter Participation

  • Voter Fatigue: Continuous elections and relentless campaigning can lead to voter fatigue. When citizens feel overwhelmed by the frequency of elections, their enthusiasm to participate diminishes.
  • Urban Apathy: In urban areas, a sense of disconnection from political processes often leads to lower turnout. Many urban voters feel that their concerns are not addressed by political leaders, resulting in apathy towards voting.
  • Disillusionment with Candidates: Voter discontent with the quality of candidates and their platforms can lead to disengagement. When voters perceive candidates as untrustworthy or out of touch with their needs, they may choose not to vote.
  • Socio-economic Factors: Individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds often face barriers to voting, including lack of time due to work commitments or financial constraints that make it difficult to take time off to vote.
  • Political Polarisation and Negative Campaigning: The rise of aggressive and negative campaigning can alienate voters. When political discourse becomes hostile or divisive, it may discourage individuals from participating in elections altogether.
  • Undelivered Promises: The development dream remains unrealized in many democracies largely on account of misgovernance, corruption and misplaced priorities. Even now, the political parties’ pitch for votes is based on doles and not on the hard decisions needed for long-term and sustained growth. 

Way Forward

  • One Nation One Election: Synchronising elections as per Kovind Panel recommendations.
  • Contesting from a Single Constituency: Amend the law to prevent a candidate from contesting elections from more than one constituency.
  • Ban on Criminals: Lifetime ban on individuals convicted of serious crimes from contesting elections to promote the decriminalization of politics.
  • Restriction on government Advertisements and Schemes: Prohibit government advertisements highlighting achievements for six months before the end of the House’s term during general elections, there should also be restriction on announcement of cash incentive-based schemes immediately before the elections.
  • Safeguards for Election Commissioners: Extend the same level of protection against removal offered to Chief Election Commissioner to other Election Commissioners.
  • Anti-Defection: Decisions on anti-defection cases be taken by the President or Governor based on the ECI’s advice.
  • False Declarations: Make false election declarations a punishable offense.

Do new schemes ahead of elections amount to ‘voter bribes’?

Context: In the recently concluded Maharashtra assembly elections, the landslide victory is being attributed to the implementation of Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana which was implemented just four months ahead of polls. The scheme aimed to provide monthly financial assistance of ₹1,500 to poor women between the ages of 21 and 65 whose incomes are less than ₹2.5 lakh annually.

Critics have argued that such schemes amount to bribing voters and giving the incumbent government an unfair advantage in the elections. 

Relevance of the Topic: Mains- Merits and Issues related to such schemes ahead of elections. 

MeritsIssues
Immediate Relief for Vulnerable Groups: DBT schemes, such as the Mukhyamantri Majhi Ladki Bahin Yojana, provide direct financial assistance to marginalized populations, particularly poor women, offering economic stability and enhancing their well-being.Short-Term Gains Over Long-Term Solutions: DBTs often provide temporary relief without addressing underlying systemic issues such as unemployment, poor healthcare, and educational infrastructure. Long-term investments in these areas might be more sustainable and impactful.
Promotes Economic Independence for Women: By providing cash directly to women, these schemes aim to enhance their financial autonomy, potentially improving their role in household decision-making and reducing economic dependence on male family members.Potential Displacement of Core Welfare Spending: Large allocations for cash transfers divert funds from essential services like healthcare, education, and employment schemes. E.g., Karnataka's ₹28,000 crore budget for cash transfers dwarfs the Union’s mid-day meal program budget, raising concerns about priorities.
Flexibility in Utilisation: Unlike targeted welfare programs (E.g., food rations or health services), cash transfers give recipients the freedom to allocate funds based on their immediate needs, whether for healthcare, education, or daily expenses.Vulnerability to Corruption: Despite the "direct" nature of DBTs, rural banking limitations often create a reliance on intermediaries or "business correspondents" who may exploit beneficiaries. This mirrors corruption issues seen in earlier welfare programs like the Public Distribution System (PDS).
Simplified Delivery Mechanism: DBTs can reduce bureaucratic hurdles and corruption when implemented effectively, as funds are transferred directly to beneficiaries' bank accounts, minimizing intermediaries.Weakening of Independent Evaluation Mechanisms: The decline of robust evaluation frameworks (such as the Planning Commission or CAG audits) reduces accountability and transparency, leading to inefficiencies and misuse of funds in DBT schemes.
Political Responsiveness: Social welfare programs introduced close to elections reflect a political response to popular needs. This can democratise resource distribution, ensuring that marginalised voices are heard, albeit temporarily.Limited Impact on Structural Issues: While DBTs aim to empower women financially, they do not address deeper societal issues like gender norms or lack of employment opportunities for women leading to ultimate loss for the poor.
Questionable Electoral Ethics: Introducing such schemes right before elections raises concerns about their true intent. Critics argue that this could amount to "buying votes" rather than implementing genuine, long-term welfare strategies. Freebies are extended by using taxpayer money which parties use for self-branding.
challenges of Direct benefit transfer
high price of freebies

Way Forward:

  • S. Subramaniam Balaji vs Govt of Tamil Nadu case, 2013: Supreme Court held that distribution of freebies shake the root of free and fair elections. The Court directed EC to frame guidelines for the same in consultation with Political parties. No manifestos during Prohibitory period i.e. 18 hrs. ending with the hour fixed for the conclusion of Poll. Manifestos should indicate ways and means to meet financial requirements for delivering the promises.
  • Ashwani Kumar vs Union of India, 2019: A petition was filed urging the apex court to declare that the promise or distribution of private goods or services from public funds (which are not for public purposes) before the elections as violative of Article 14.
  • The Finance Commission (while recommending allocations to the States) can consider the debts of each individual States and examine whether offers of freebies would be viable for them.
  • The Central Board of Indirect taxes and Customs has come out with detailed instructions for tax officers to implement the directions of the Election Commission with regard to the use of freebies, illicit cash, liquor and drugs to lure voters, and asked them to share information with other enforcement agencies.
  • Voter Training and awareness: Social campaigns, voter literacy programs, civil society initiatives, and media intervention can empower voters to make rational and ethical choices.

Form 17C data and Voter Turnout Data

Context: Alleging irregularities, Opposition leaders want the Election Commission of India (ECI) to publish online ‘Form 17C data,’ which contains the absolute number of votes polled in a booth.

About Form 17C data: 

  • As per the Conduct of Election Rules, 1961 (1961 Rules), the ECI has to maintain two forms namely Forms 17A and 17C, that have data on the number of electors and the votes polled. 
  • 17A is used to record the details of every voter who comes into a polling booth and casts his or her vote, and 17C is an account of all the votes recorded. 
  • Under Rule 49S(2), a presiding officer is mandated to furnish a copy of the entries made in Form 17C to the polling agents of the candidates at the close of polling.
  • Form 17C has two parts: 
    • Part I of Form 17C contains crucial information such as the identification numbers of the EVMs used in the polling station, the total number of electors assigned to the polling station, the total number of voters as entered in the register for voters (Form 17A), the number of voters who decided not to record their votes after signing the register, the number of voters who were not allowed to vote, the total number of test votes and votes recorded per EVM. 
    • Part II of the same form contains the results of the counting carried out on the stipulated day. 
  • The data in Form 17C is used by candidates to verify the results on counting day by matching it with the EVM count. Subsequently, an election petition can also be moved in the concerned High Court in case of any discrepancies to ensures transparency and accountability in the electoral process.

Allotment of Election symbols to parties in India

Context: There has been a recent controversy regarding allotment of ‘free’ election symbols to some regional political parties in Tamil Nadu, which fall under the category of registered but unrecognized political parties. 

Allotment of Election Symbols in India:

  • The power of allotment of election symbols in India rests with the Election Commission of India.
  • For the allotment of Election Symbols in India, Election Symbols (Reservation and Allotment Order), 1968 has been issued under the Representation of People Act, 1951 and the Conduct of Election Rules, 1961.

About Election Symbols (Reservation and allotment Order), 1968:

There are two kinds of symbols- Free and Reserved.

  • The Reserved symbols are of recognised parties- National and State parties.
  • The free symbols are chosen by the candidates of unrecognised parties or independent candidates.
  • A symbol reserved for a State Party in any State
    • shall not be included in the list of free symbols for any other State or Union Territory; and
    • shall not be reserved for any other party which subsequently becomes eligible as a State or National party.
  • If any free symbol has been chosen by only one candidate at such election, the returning. officer shall allot that symbol to that candidate, and to no one else.
  • If the same free symbol has been chosen by several candidates at such election, then it shall be allotted to candidate set up by an unrecognised political party if all the rest are independent candidates.

For registered but unrecognised political parties, one of the free symbols is allotted as a common symbol during an election if that party contests in two Lok Sabha constituencies or in 5% of seats to the Assembly of a State as the case may be. 

Rule 10B of the Symbols Order provides that the concession of a common free symbol shall be available to a ‘registered unrecognised party’ for two general elections.

A party shall be eligible for a common symbol in any subsequent general election if it had secured at least 1% of votes polled in the State on the previous occasion when the party availed of this facility. Such an unrecognised party should however apply for a symbol every time in the prescribed format.

Tax Exemption to Political parties

Context: Income tax department has given notice to Congress Party to pay the due tax on account of being denied the tax exemption benefits due to violation of tax exemption compliance requirements.

Income tax exemption to parties:

Section 13A of Income Tax Act is a special provision for the political parties that provide tax exemption in some cases. According to this section, any income a political party receives from voluntary contributions or any interest, dividend, or rent from its assets is not included in the party's total income for taxation.

Which are the exemptions available for the political party?

According to Section 13A, following income of a political party from the following sources is exempt from tax:

  • Income from house property.
  • Income from other sources.
  • Capital gains; 
  • Income by way of voluntary contributions the political party receives from any individual.

Conditions to avail of exemptions U/S 13A:

A political party that wants to claim tax exemption under Section 13A must meet the following requirements:

  • Must be registered under Section 29A of RPA, 1951.
  • Must keep books of account and other documents that allow the Assessing Officer to compute its income. 
  • Must record every contribution of more than Rs 20,000 along with the name and address of the contributor unless the contribution is made through an electoral bond.
  • Must have its books of account audited by a chartered accountant
  • Must not have received any donation of more than Rs 2,000 except by way of account payee cheque/demand draft or ECS or through a bank account or electoral bond
  • Must submit a report of donations received above Rs 20,000 to the Election Commission of India for the financial year on or before the due date for furnishing the return of income for that financial year under Section 29C of RPA.

How does a political party furnish their return of Income?

According to Section 139(4B) of the Income Tax Act, a political party must file a return of income if its income (before claiming exemption) under Section 13A exceeds the basic exemption limit (without considering the exemption under Section 13A). The tax rate applicable for political parties is the same as that for a normal resident individual. The return of income must be filed and signed by the Chief Executive Officer of the political party for the relevant financial year.

Tax exemption for donation to political party:

Under Section 80GGC of the Income Tax Act, 1961, an individual can claim a tax deduction for any donations or contributions to any political party or an electoral trust. The entire amount of donation or contribution is eligible for deduction under this section. However, the donation or contribution must be made through legitimate banking channels and not in cash or kind. The individual must also furnish a receipt for proof of donation or contribution.

Is it mandatory for political parties to pay taxes?

Even though political parties cannot participate in commercial activities and cannot make profit, they do have income from voluntary contributions, and such income are exempt u/s 13 A of Income tax act subject to furnishing of report to Election commission.