Context: Researchers from the Indian Institute of Technology-Guwahati (IIT-G) have developed an advanced injectable hydrogel for localised/targeted cancer treatment.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Key facts about Hydrogels; their Applications.
What are Hydrogels?
Hydrogels are water-based crosslinked polymer chains with three-dimensional (3D) network structures capable of absorbing and retaining large amounts of fluids.
The jelly-like substance can be found naturally as well as can be synthesised in the laboratory.
Properties of Hydrogel:
Hydrophilic
Biocompatible (Non-toxic & non-immunogenic)
Biodegradable
Flexible
Semi-permeable
Applications of Hydrogel
Wide range of biomedical and engineering applications (tissue engineering, regenerative medicine, patches for wound healing etc.)
Wastewater treatment
Soft robotics
Contact lenses
Added in soil to help retain moisture
Hydrogel- based batteries and supercapacitors
Hydrogel-based cooling system.
The Recent Development:
Indian Researchers have designed hydrogel composed of ultra-short peptides that delivers drugs precisely to the tumour site, ensuring localised action.
Key features:
This hydrogel remains insoluble in biological fluids, ensuring it stays localised at the injection site.
It serves as a stable reservoir for anti-cancer drugs, releasing it in a controlled manner while sparing healthy cells from harm.
It responds to elevated levels of glutathione (GSH), a molecule abundant in tumour cells, ensuring targeted action.
Significance:
Injectable hydrogel enables precision drug delivery, thus, minimising damage to healthy cells (otherwise caused by current treatments like chemotherapy and surgical interventions).
The design of hydrogel is expected to be revolutionary for breast cancer therapy.
Context: Recently, China has unveiled two stealth fighter jets which shows the technological prowess of the country. In contrast, India’s aircraft modernisation efforts are at various stages of development and not up to the mark, highlighting a gap in India’s defence preparedness.
Relevance of the topic:
Prelims: Basic understanding of India’s aircraft technological development.
Mains: Challenges faced by India in military modernisation and defence sector.
Chinese Military Modernisation
Advanced Fighters:
China has fielded two fifth generation fighter jets:
J-35: medium fighter
J-20: heavy fighter. This makes China the only country other than the U.S. with more than one fifth generation fighter.
China unveiled two stealth fighter jets in tail-less configuration (speculated to be sixth gen-fighters)
One is a massive jet with delta-wing design & three engines, indicating long range capability.
Second is a smaller twin-engine design with swept wings.
China’s Air Force and Naval Aviation together constitute the largest aviation force in the Indo-Pacific region with over 1,300 fourth-generation fighters. They are equipped with technology comparable to the U.S. standards.
Collaboration: Pakistan has approved the procurement of 40 J-35s (fifth generation) from China.
India’s Aircraft Fleet:
Indian Air Force (IAF) has 31 fighter squadrons as against the sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons, significantly below the optimal readiness requirements.
Of the current 31 squadrons, the phase out of two MIG-21 squadrons has been extended due to the delayed deliveries of LCA-Mk1A.
IAF has acquired 36 Rafale (4.5 generation aircraft) from France through a government-to-government deal in 2016.
India lacks a 5th generation fighter aircraft with no prospects of its induction, for at least a decade.
India’s Modernisation Plans
Ambitious Acquisitions:
India plans to acquire over 500 fighter jets, primarily indigenously designed and manufactured.
Key Projects:
LCA-MK1A (Tejas): Indian Air Force has placed an order of 83 units of LCA-MK1A with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL). A deal for 97 additional Mk1As is under discussion.
Their delivery has been delayeddue to supply chain issues with the F-404 engines by General Electric (GE).
The HAL Tejas is an indigenous single-engine 4th-generation multirole light fighter aircraft, developed by the Aeronautical Development Agency and manufactured by HAL.
LCA-MK2 (Tejas 2): Production of the LCA Mark 2 combat aircraft is expected to start in 2029-2030.
LCA Mark 2 is a 4.5 generation Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft, an improved version of LCA Tejas fighter jet.
It would be powered by GE-414 engine (a high-performance afterburning turbofan engine).
IAF plans to have about six squadrons of Tejas Mk2.
AMCA MK-2 (Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft): The AMCA Mk2 is expected to go into mass production only after the year 2035.
AMCA-Mk2 is a 5th generation stealth fighter. It is currently the only 5th generation fighter under development in India.
Twin Engine Deck Based Fighter (TED-BF) for Navy:
The first prototype of TED-BF could make its maiden flight by 2026 and be ready for production by 2031.
TEDBF will serve as a replacement for the aging fleet of MiG-29Ks and is designed to meet the Navy's specific requirements.
Procurement of 114 Multi-Role Fighter Aircraft (MRFA):
The Ministry of Defence (MoD) has recently revealed its intent to conduct an open tender for the Multi-Role Fighter Aircraft (MRFA) project, aiming to procure 114 jets for the Indian Air Force (IAF).
Challenges in India’s Aircraft Modernisation:
Delay in Acquisitions:
Delayed deliveries of LCA-Mk1A and LCA-MK2 (Tejas 2).
AMCA Mk2 (5th gen aircraft) will take a decade to be operational.
Squadron Shortfalls:
The IAF is down to a mere 31 fighter squadrons against a sanctioned strength of 42.
This number will go down further when the last two remaining squadrons of the MiG-21s are phased out by the end of 2025.
Jaguars, Mirage-2000s and MIG-29s will begin to phase out between 2030-2035.
Even with the LCA-Mk1A, LCA-Mk2 and the MRFA, IAF will still be at 35-36 squadrons by 2035.
Dependence on Foreign Engines:
India is dependent on imported engines, directly or ‘co-manufactured’ to power all indigenous jets and helicopters. E.g., License manufacturing for the F-414 engine (from the US) or the new 110KN engine (from France) makes India dependent on these countries for the most critical parts.
India cannot claim tobe fully self-reliant till it can field an aero-engine that is completely designed and developed in the country.
Context: Recently,the Ministry of Education has released the Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+) report that indicates a drop in the school enrollment ratio. The number of enrolled students in 2022-23 were 25.17 crore, while the figures for 2023-24 stood at 24.80 crore.
Relevance of the topic:
Prelims: Key facts about the Unified District Information System for Education Plus (UDISE+) report.
Mains: Analysis of causes of dropping enrollment and other trends in the Report.
Major Highlights of the UDISE+ Report
Decline in School Enrollment Rate:
The number of enrolled students in 2022-23 were 25.17 crore, while the figures for 2023-24 stood at 24.80 crore.
In 2018-19 total enrollment was 26.02 crore, which increased in 2019-20 by 1.6%.
Enrollment slightly fell in the 2020-21 due to COVID-19 led lockdown.
In 2021-22, enrollment slightly improved by 0.76% (due government schemes like PRAGYATA scheme of digital education and lockdown upliftment).
There is asharp increase in the enrollmentin the private schools as compared to the government schools, suggesting shifting back to private institutions.
Drop-out rates rise sharply at higher education levels, from 5.2% in middle school to 10.9% at the secondary stage.
Increase in Dropout Rate for Boys: From 2018-19 to 2023-24, boys enrollment percentage dropped by 4.87%, while in similar duration girls dropout reduced by 4.48%.
Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER): While the preparatory level boasts a GER of 96.5%, the foundational level is at a mere 41.5%. Middle and secondary levels are at 89.5% and 66.5%, respectively.
State-wise trends:
States like Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Maharashtra witnessed the highest dropouts as per the report.
State-wise discrepancies: West Bengal has 79% foundational and preparatory schools but only 11.6% secondary schools, creating a risk of higher dropout rates.
State of School Infrastructure:
While over 90% of schools have basic amenities like electricity and gender-specific toilets, advanced facilities such as functional desktops, internet access and ramps with handrails remain limited.
Only 57.2% of schools have functional computers, 53.9% have internet, and 52.3% are equipped with ramps, underscoring significant gaps in accessibility and tech readiness.
About UIDSE+
Unified District Information System for Education (UDISE) Plus is a data aggregation platform maintained by the Ministry of Education ministry to collate school education data from across the country.
UDISE+ is an upgraded version of the original UDISE (Unified District Information System for Education).
UDISE+ system was developed by the Department of School Education & Literacy in the year 2018-19.
Aim:
To enhance the efficiency, accuracy, and accessibility of education data.
To overcome the issues related to erstwhile practice of manual data filling in paper format.
UDISE+ 2023-24 attempted to collect student-wise data along with their Aadhaar numbers on a voluntary basis to establish a uniqueness. Overall, more than 19.7 crore students provided Aadhaar numbers by 2023-24.
Significance: The shift from aggregated school-level data to individual student records, facilitated by Aadhaar-linked unique educational IDs-
Enhances the monitoring of progression and retention.
Streamline beneficiary identification for government schemes, reducing duplication and promoting equitable resource distribution.
Potential Reasons for the Decline in School Enrollment
Change in Data Collection Methodology: In 2022-23, MoE started a revitalised UDISE+ ecosystem which captures data on more than 60 fields for each student and Aadhaar details were also collected on a voluntary basis.
More efforts have been put in to accurately establish student and teacher credentials to remove duplicate/ghost entries for specific identification of beneficiaries.
UDISE+ 2022-23 data is not strictly comparable with the previous reports on various educational indicators like Gross Enrolment Ratio, Net Enrolment Ratio, dropout rates etc.
Apart from Aadhaar, a separate unique educational ID (EID) for every student has been created in the UDISE+ portal to cover each and every child under the ecosystem of UDISE+.
Alternate Education Choices: There is increasing preference for homeschooling and the alternate means of education, reducing enrollment in the schools.
Post-pandemic school preference: Post pandemic there is high enrollment in the private schools, suggesting changes in parental preferences and perception of quality education.
Demographic change: A slight reduction in the birth rate in India may also be impacting the enrollment numbers of school-age children.
Infrastructure and Resource challenges: Issues likeinsufficient smart classrooms, low teacher to student ratio may also impact enrollment. E.g., Only 12% of government schools have a functional smart classroom.
Way Forward
Enhancing budget: There should be a 6% of GDP allocation (in line with the recommendation of National Education Policy, 2020) to education to improve physical and digital infrastructure and resources in schools.
Proper monitoring: There should be a timely and proper monitoring of the learning outcomes of the students not only in the form of examinations but also in terms of problem solving assessments.
Inviting guest faculty: There should be a provision for regular inclusion of guest faculty for improved learning outcomes of the students. E.g., Vidyanjali scheme of voluntary guest faculty in schools.
Conclusion: The report suggests a reduction in overall enrolment of the students, suggesting a scope of improvement in standards of the education. The focus should be in enhanced fund allocation, improved monitoring, inviting expertise, and quality enhancement by gaining public feedback to promote higher enrollment. Curtailing dropouts and ensuring universal access to education at all levels by 2030 is one of the primary goals of the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 and Sustainable Development Goals.
Context: The latest report of the Central Ground Water Board finds the presence of excessive nitrates (defined as more than 45 mg per litre) in groundwater in 440 districts as of 2023, an increase from 359 such districts in 2017. Other major chemical contaminants affecting groundwater quality are Fluoride and Uranium.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Nitrate Contamination; Methemoglobinemia; Eutrophication.
Major Highlights:
About 56% of India’s districts face the problem largely due to subsidised synthetic nitrogenous fertiliser, a key input for farming. This is a health hazard, particularly for young children, and a source of environmental toxicity.
Rajasthan, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu reported the highest nitrate contamination problem, with 49%, 48%, and 37%, respectively, of their tested samples reporting numbers beyond the safe limit.
What is Nitrate Contamination?
Nitrate (NO3) is a compound of Nitrogen and Oxygen naturally found in air, soil, water, and some foods.
Utility of Nitrates:
Plants require nitrates for their survival and growth. It occurs naturally in soil and dissipates when the soil is extensively farmed. Thus, nitrogen fertilizers are applied to replenish the soil.
In Agriculture, nitrate is used as fertiliser for crops and lawns.
In Industry, nitrates are used in food preservation, certain pharmaceutical medications, as well as the manufacture of munitions and explosives.
Sources of Nitrates:
Natural sources: Igneous rocks, atmospheric deposition and symbioses of some plants, along with cyanobacteria and some heterotrophs.
Anthropogenic sources: Nitrogen-rich fertilisers used for agricultural purposes, discharge of poorly treated domestic, and industrial wastewaters, livestock manure, and leachate from landfill sites.
Nitrate Pollution:
Nitrogen (N) in the form of nitrate is a common pollutant in both surface and ground water. Nitrates are highly soluble in water and have no taste or smell.
It can be highly toxic asthey can enter the food chain via groundwater and surface water.
High Nitrate levels can harm the respiratory and reproductive system, kidney, spleen and thyroid in children and adults. It is particularly harmful to infants, causing Methemoglobinemia (or blue-baby syndrome).
Together with phosphorus, Nitrates in excess amounts can accelerate Eutrophication, causing dramatic increases in aquatic plant growth.
What is Methemoglobinemia?
Methemoglobinemia is a blood disorder which occurs due to an abnormal amount of methemoglobin in the blood.
Hemoglobin is the protein in red blood cells (RBCs) that carries and distributes oxygen to the body.
Methemoglobin is a form of hemoglobin that cannot carry oxygen (due to its lower tendency to bind with Oxygen).
Due to higher Methemoglobin concentration in blood, the Red Blood Cells’ Oxygen carrying capacity becomes low. Thus, body tissues do not receive enough Oxygen, which gives it a bluish appearance (blue-baby syndrome).
What is Eutrophication?
Eutrophication is a natural or human-induced process in which bodies of water become overly enriched with nutrients, particularly Nitrogen and Phosphorus.
This nutrient enrichment leads to excessive growth of algae and aquatic plants, known as an algal bloom.
As the algae die and decompose, the oxygen in the water is depleted (due to High Biological Oxygen Demand), causing hypoxia or even anoxic conditions. This can harm fish and other aquatic organisms, leading to ecosystem imbalances.
Context: The Union Cabinet has announced the continuation of the Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana and Restructured Weather Based Crop Insurance Scheme till 2025-26.
Relevance of the topic:
Prelims: Scheme based questions.
Mains: Impacts; reforms and potential of schemes in the agriculture sector.
Major Highlights:
The Union Cabinet has-
Approved the continuation of Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana and Restructured Weather Based Crop Insurance Scheme till 2025-26 with a total budget of ₹69,515.71 crore.
The aim is to provide risk coverage to farmers against natural calamities.
Approved setting up of Fund for Innovation and Technology (FIAT) for upgradation in farm technology by revitalising research and development, with an allocation of ₹824.77 crore. Key initiatives include:
Yield Estimation System using Technology (YES-TECH) which uses remote sensing for crop yield estimates.
Weather Information and Network Data System (WINDS) for augmenting weather data through automatic weather stations. Implementation of WINDS to assist state governments will begin in 2024-25.
Approved the extension of the subsidies on DAP. DAP is Diammonium Phosphate, a fertiliser that contains a mix of nitrogen and phosphate.
Yield Estimation System using Technology (YES-TECH)
Yield Estimation System using Technology (YES-TECH) uses Remote Sensing Technology for yield estimation with minimum 30% weightage to technology-based yield estimates.
Under YES-TECH Claim calculation and settlement has been done for 2023-24. Madhya Pradesh has adopted 100% technology based yield estimation.
9 Major States are currently implementing (namely AP, Assam, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh, MP, Maharashtra, Odisha, Tamil Nadu & Karnataka). Other States are also being on-boarded expeditiously.
Weather Information and Network Data System (WINDS):
Weather Information and Network Data Systems (WINDS) envisages setting up Automatic Weather Stations (AWS) at block level and Automatic Rain Gauges (ARGs) at panchayat level.
Under WINDS, 5 times increase in current network density is envisaged to develop hyper local weather data. Under the initiative, only data rental costs are payable by Central and State Governments.
About PM FASAL Bima Yojana
Pradhan Mantri Fasal Bima Yojana is a flagship crop insurance scheme launched in 2016 to promote crop insurance penetration among the farmers.
Objectives: Providing financial support to farmers in case of unforeseen circumstances; stabilising farmers income; encouraging farmers to adopt modern technology; and ensuring flow of credit to the agriculture sector.
Coverage of the scheme:
Food crops (Cereals, Millets and Pulses)
Oilseeds
Annual Commercial/Annual Horticultural crops
The scheme also covers the post-harvest losses due to rainfall, hail storm or any such negative externality within 14 days of harvesting.
Farmers pay a nominal premium:
2% for Kharif crops.
1.5% for Rabi crops.
5% for commercial and horticultural crops.
The remaining premium is shared between the central and state governments. In the ratio of 50:50 in normal states and 90:10 in the case of north-eastern.
Use of Remote Sensing Technology, Smartphones & Drones for quick estimation of crop losses to ensure early settlement of claims.
Benefits of the decision to Extend Schemes:
Protecting from vulnerability: Indian farmers are prone to vulnerabilities like monsoon dependency and pest attack along with the risks of seed productivity. Extension of scheme will reduce such vulnerabilities by insuring farmers against risks.
Reducing input cost: Extending the subsidies for DAP fertiliser will reduce the input cost of the farmers reducing expenditure burden.
Boost to North-East: Special treatment in insurance premium to north-eastern states will reduce the regional disparities.
Promoting R&D: Institutionalisation and fund allocation to FIAT will revitalise the research and development in the farm sector in India making it more productive and gender neutral in nature.
Conclusion: PM FASAL and fertiliser subsidies are key for boosting the farmer’s income in India. But more funds need to be allocated in the research and development to enhance the overall productivity and optimum utilisation of the resources. India should take a slight turn from subsidies based support to innovation and capital generation based support to make agriculture sustainable.
Context: According to the annual report of the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry and various State governments have roped in around 54,800 persons as Cyber Crime Volunteers to flag unlawful content on the Internet, for the year 2023-24.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Cyber Volunteer Framework; Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre.
Cyber Volunteer Framework
Launched by: The Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre (I4C), under the Ministry of Home Affairs in 2020.
Aim: To bring together citizens with passion to serve the nation on a single platform and contribute in the fight against cybercrime in the country.
Significance: The Framework enables citizens to enrol as cyber volunteers for reporting unlawful content, dissemination of cyber hygiene, and as cyber experts to aid law enforcement.
Criticism: The Internet Freedom Foundation (IFF), a digital liberties organisation, had criticised the scheme stating that it will lead to a culture of surveillance and constant suspicion in society creating potential social distrust.
The unlawful content has been categorised as any material:
against sovereignty and integrity of India
against defence of India
against security of the State
against friendly relations with foreign States.
content aimed at disturbing public order, disturbing communal harmony
material related to child sex abuse.
Indian Cyber Crime Coordination Centre (I4C)
Initiative of: Ministry of Home Affairs.
Aim: To deal with cyber crime in the country in a coordinated and comprehensive manner.
I4C works towards improving coordination among the Law Enforcement Agencies and the stakeholders and enhancing the nation’s collective capability to tackle cybercrimes.
I4C has partnered with Google and Facebook for sharing intelligence and signals for proactive identification and action on cyber criminals.
Cyber fraudsters have been using digital platforms (like Google services platforms) for initiating organised investment crimes and the I4C has partnered with the Internet search giant to flag such content.
Objectives of I4C
To act as a nodal point to curb Cybercrime in the country.
To strengthen the fight against Cybercrime committed against women and children.
Facilitate easy filing Cybercrime related complaints and identifying Cybercrime trends and patterns.
To act as an early warning system for Law Enforcement Agencies for proactive Cybercrime prevention and detection.
Awareness creation among the public about preventing Cybercrime.
Assist States/UTsin capacity building of Police Officers, Public Prosecutors and Judicial Officers in the area of cyber forensic, investigation, cyber hygiene, cyber-criminology, etc.
Context: The Central Government has initiated the process to build a memorial for former Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh. He was cremated at the Nigam Bodh Ghat in New Delhi.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Key facts about guidelines related to Memorials.
Major Highlights:
The Former Prime Minister of India Dr. Manmohan Singh passed away on December 26, 2024. The Union Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) declared seven days of State mourning and announced a state funeral for the dignitary.
He was cremated at the Nigambodh Ghat in Central Delhi (a common cremation place), a first for any former PM.
Is there a rule related to Memorials?
While guidelines exist for State funerals, there is no specific rule or government order regarding allocation of space for memorials for former PMs.
The convention is that former PMs have been cremated at designated places.
Dr. Singh was cremated at a common place of cremation (where even a common man could be cremated).
Trends in the Past:
Except Former PM Vishwanath Pratap Singh, all other former PMs have memorials dedicated to them, majorly in Delhi and other parts of the country. E.g.,
Context: 2024 elections saw a high tide of democracy with elections in many countries including India, yet PEW’s recent global surveys highlighted that across 31 nations surveyed in 2024, about 54% of adults were not satisfied with the way democracy worked in their country. They felt disconnected from political leaders and institutions, and found that political parties did not represent their interests and that the common man had no influence on politics. This has led to the decline of voter participation.
In this context, let us discuss the challenges faced by democracy including the decline of voter participation and ways to arrest it.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Challenges faced by Democracy; Reasons for Decline in Voter Participation.
Challenges faced by Democracy
Declining Democratic Quality: The Global State of Democracy Report 2024 has highlighted deteriorations in credible elections, effective parliaments, economic equality, and freedoms of expression and press. This decline has raised concerns about institutions and processes supporting democratic governance.
Erosion of Public Discourse: The electoral campaigns were characterized by a significant decline in decency within public discourse. Rhetoric and divisive language have become commonplace, undermining the integrity of political dialogue.
Misinformation and Polarisation: The rise of misinformation during elections has posed serious threats to electoral integrity. WEF reports indicate that misinformation significantly impacts voter perceptions and outcomes and exacerbates societal divisions.
Voter Discontent: WEF surveys indicated that approximately 54% of adults across 31 nations expressed dissatisfaction with their democratic systems. Many felt disconnected from political leaders and institutions, which suggests a broader frustration with representative democracy.
Erosion of Trust: There is a growing disillusionment with democratic institutions, particularly among younger populations. Many feel that elections do not yield meaningful change, leading to frustration and apathy towards the democratic process.
Resurgence of Authoritarianism: Many democracies are witnessing a rise in authoritarian tendencies, where leaders exploit crises to consolidate power. This trend can undermine democratic norms and institutions.
Weakening of Democratic values: There is a decline in fundamental democratic principles such as freedom of expression, rule of law, and civic rights.
External Interference: Democracies have become vulnerable to foreign interference, which can disrupt electoral processes and manipulate public opinion, the external pressure complicates efforts to maintain electoral integrity and public trust.
Economic Instability: Economic challenges, worsened by global crises such as climate change and geopolitical tensions, can lead to dissatisfaction with democratic governance. In such situations, citizens turn to populist or extremist parties that promise quick fixes rather than sustainable solutions.
Reasons for Decline in Voter Participation
Voter Fatigue: Continuous elections and relentless campaigning can lead to voter fatigue. When citizens feel overwhelmed by the frequency of elections, their enthusiasm to participate diminishes.
Urban Apathy: In urban areas, a sense of disconnection from political processes often leads to lower turnout. Many urban voters feel that their concerns are not addressed by political leaders, resulting in apathy towards voting.
Disillusionment with Candidates: Voter discontent with the quality of candidates and their platforms can lead to disengagement. When voters perceive candidates as untrustworthy or out of touch with their needs, they may choose not to vote.
Socio-economic Factors: Individuals from lower socioeconomic backgrounds often face barriers to voting, including lack of time due to work commitments or financial constraints that make it difficult to take time off to vote.
Political Polarisation and Negative Campaigning: The rise of aggressive and negative campaigning can alienate voters. When political discourse becomes hostile or divisive, it may discourage individuals from participating in elections altogether.
Undelivered Promises: The development dream remains unrealized in many democracies largely on account of misgovernance, corruption and misplaced priorities. Even now, the political parties’ pitch for votes is based on doles and not on the hard decisions needed for long-term and sustained growth.
Way Forward
One Nation One Election: Synchronising elections as per Kovind Panel recommendations.
Contesting from a Single Constituency: Amend the law to prevent a candidate from contesting elections from more than one constituency.
Ban on Criminals: Lifetime ban on individuals convicted of serious crimes from contesting elections to promote the decriminalization of politics.
Restriction on government Advertisements and Schemes: Prohibit government advertisements highlighting achievements for six months before the end of the House’s term during general elections, there should also be restriction on announcement of cash incentive-based schemes immediately before the elections.
Safeguards for Election Commissioners: Extend the same level of protection against removal offered to Chief Election Commissioner to other Election Commissioners.
Anti-Defection: Decisions on anti-defection cases be taken by the President or Governor based on the ECI’s advice.
False Declarations: Make false election declarations a punishable offense.
Context: The Dhaka-based International Crimes Tribunal on October 17 issued arrest warrants for Ms. Sheikh Hasina (former Prime Minister of Bangladesh) and 45 others including former Cabinet ministers, advisers and military and civil officials. Bangladesh has recently formally requested India to extradite the former Prime Minister.
Relevance of the Topic: Prelims: Key aspects of India Bangladesh Extradition Treaty.
Background:
After leaving Dhaka on August 5, 2024, Ms. Hasina was declared an absconder for not surrendering. A first information report was filed on August 13, 2024, against her and other former associates.
She has been charged with conspiracy to eliminate the students involved in protests, and the mistreatment and killing of hundreds of the protesters, which are labelled as genocide and crimes against humanity.
Subsequently, on December 23, 2024, Bangladesh formally requested India to extradite former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who fled to New Delhi amid anti-government protests in August 2024.
Legal Framework
Bangladesh's legal system allows for trials in absentia, but there are complexities regarding International law and Common law jurisdictions as accused must be present in Court (physical or virtual) for the trial.
India has not yet commented on the extradition request. India has a bilateral extradition treaty with Bangladesh but is not obligated to extradite Hasina due to claims of political offenses.
India's Supreme Court in National Human Rights Commission vs State Of Arunachal Pradesh & Anr. (1996) has ruled that non-citizens are entitled to protection of Article 21 under the Constitution, which could influence decisions regarding Hasina's extradition.
Options before India
House Arrest: India can place Hasina under house arrest while allowing her participation in her trial via video conferencing, ensuring cooperation with Bangladesh's investigation.
ICC Jurisdiction: ICC jurisdiction can be invoked due to the nature of the alleged crimes. However, since Bangladesh is pursuing domestic legal action, ICC intervention may not be necessary unless there are concerns about the fairness of the proceedings.
Refuse extradition: India can refuse extradition, citing lack of “good faith” or “interest of justice” and related concerns. Article 8 lists out multiple grounds for refusal including cases in which, an accusation has not been made in good faith in the interests of justice or in case of military offences which are not an offence under the general criminal law.
Way Forward for India
Maintain diplomatic engagement with the new government in Bangladesh.
Avoid hasty decisions to ensure long-term strategic and economic ties with Bangladesh.
Stand by Sheikh Hasina without openly antagonising the interim government.
Leverage the structural linkages with the party in power as well as association and geographic realities to sustain favorable relations.
Ultimately, the decision to extradite is going to be political and diplomatic and not legal.
India Bangladesh Extradition Treaty
Establishment: Signed in 2013 and amended in 2016 for faster and easier extradition of fugitives between the two countries.
Background:
India sought the treaty to address insurgents from the North-East operating from Bangladesh.
Bangladesh aimed to address the presence of groups like Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) in India.
India extradited Anup Chetia, a United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) leader, in 2015.
Provisions of the Treaty:
Extraditable Offences:
Crimes carrying a minimum punishment of one year imprisonment, including financial crimes.
Offences must fulfill the principle of dual criminality (punishable in both countries).
Includes attempts, aiding, abetting, inciting, or participating in the commission of an extraditable offence.
Exceptions:
Extradition can be refused if the offence is of a political nature.
However, the treaty specifies a long list of offences not considered political, including:
Murder, culpable homicide, assault, explosions, use of firearms, property damage intending to endanger life, kidnapping, hostage-taking, incitement to murder, and terrorism-related offences.
Amendment in 2016 to Simplify Extradition Process
Requirement to provide evidence of the offence was removed; only an arrest warrant from a competent court is now required.
Since Sheikh Hasina faces multiple arrest warrants issued in Bangladesh, it makes her case eligible under the amended treaty.
Key Principles:
Both countries commit to extraditing individuals wanted by courts for criminal charges, prosecution, or conviction in the requesting country.
The treaty intends to enhance cooperation in combating terrorism and transnational crime.
Context: A recent study was conducted by the Azadi Project and Refugee International on the plight of the Rohingya refugees which highlighted the gross violation of human and constitutional rights in the refugee camps.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Ethics and status of refugees in India, including citizenship issues.
Who are Rohingya Refugees?
Rohingya people of Myanmar constitute the world’s largest stateless population in the world estimating about 2.8 million.
The group is denied citizenship, rights and faced genocide in the Myanmar’s Rakhine region.
As per the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), India hosts a Rohingya population of 22,500 refugees.
India’s stand on Rohingya refugees:
India is neither a signatory to the Refugee Convention, nor a party to the key International instruments such as:
Conventions against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
International Convention for the Protection of all Persons from Enforced Disappearance.
Therefore, India maintains no legal obligations to provide asylum and adhere to non-refoulement.
Policy of Non-refoulement prohibits returning individuals to places where they face persecution, torture, or serious harm, protecting refugee and human rights.
India continues to detain Rohingya refugees under domestic acts like:
The Foreigners Act, 1967 regulates the entry, stay, and departure of foreigners in India, along with deportation of the illegal migrants in India
The Passport Act, 1967 governs the issuance and regulation of passports in India
India categorises Rohingya refugees as ‘Illegal Migrants’.
Additional Information:
Case regarding Rohingyas: Mohammad Salimullah versus Union of India 2021 rejected the plea to prevent deportation of 170 Rohingya illegal migrants.
The Supreme Court rejected the plea stating the right to reside is not a right under Article 21.
The matters regarding Citizenship are part of the Union list in Schedule VII.
Arguments for Non-Refoulement of Rohingyas:
International Obligation: India is a signatory to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, whose Article 7 refrains from the refoulement of refugee to a place where that can face torture or cruel treatment.
Lack of Domestic Law: Legal vacuum regarding refugee issue makes a ground to follow the international conventions and norms in this regard as per the Supreme Court in Vishakha versus State of Rajasthan case 1997.
Constitutional Morality: Following non-refoulement principle will uphold constitutional morality as Article 51(c) of constitution mandates that the state must strive to promote respect for international laws and treaty obligations.
Discriminatory Policy: The refuge policy of the government is discriminatory as Citizenship Amendment Act 2019 excludes persecuted rohingya muslims.
Arguments against Policy of Non-Refoulement:
Non-signatory: India is not signatory to the Refugee convention, hence, India does not have a specific obligation on non-refoulement.
Internal security: India’s security policy is strictly against illegal migration as it can create law and order issues in the nation. Example: Rohingya settlements in Sri Nagar removed due to security concerns.
Resource constraints: India already has a vast population under poverty to address. Migrants will pose an additional burden on national resources.
Cascading demand: Providing refugee status to Rohingya will have a cascading demand from the other regions too. Example: Ahmadiyya Muslim population in Pakistan.
Difference between Asylum Seekers and Refugees:
Asylum Seeker:
An asylum seeker is someone who has fled their home country and is seeking international protection but has not yet been formally recognised as a refugee.
They apply for asylum in another country, claiming they are at risk of persecution but their status is still under review.
For example, Julian Assange took refuge in Ecuador’s embassy and Sheikh Hasina took asylum in India after the upsurge in Bangladesh.
Refugees:
A refugee is someone who has been recognised under international law (E.g., the 1951 Refugee Convention) as being unable or unwilling to return to their home country due to a well-founded fear of persecution based on race, religion, nationality, political opinion, or membership in a particular social group.
Refugees are granted protection and legal rights in the host country.
Status of Rohingya: UNHCR recognises and registers the Rohingya as refugees
Conclusion: The Rohingya issue is complex as it involves the angles like international law; internal security and governance; and ethical issues like humanity and protection to the aggrieved. India in order to address such challenges and issues should come up with a dedicated law and policy for refugees.
Context: Recently concluded winter session of the Parliament saw a lot of disruptions. In this context, let us discuss the features of parliamentary form of government, importance of Parliamentary productivity, and reasons for decline of Parliament and the way ahead.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: Declining Productivity of Parliament (Trends, Outcomes and Way Forward).
Constitutional Provisions
Article 74 and 75:
Article 74: There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at the head to aid and advise the President who shall, in the exercise of his functions, act in accordance with such advice.
Article 75: Other provisions as to the Minister.
Article 163 and 164:
Article 163: Council of Ministers to aid and advise the Governor.
Article 164: Other provisions as to Ministers.
Features of Parliamentary form of Government
President is the Nominal Executive: President is the nominal head of state, while Prime Minister is the real executive i.e. head of government. (Article 74 states that there shall be a Council of Ministers headed by the PM to aid and advise the President.)
Majority Party rule: Political party with majority on the floor form the government.
Collective Responsibility: Ministers are collectively responsible to Lok Sabha (Art 75)
Political Homogeneity of Council of Ministers: Mostly, Council of Ministers belongs to the same political party with similar ideology.
Double Membership: Ministers are part of both legislature and executive.
Dissolution of Lower House: It can be dissolved on the recommendations of the PM.
Secrecy: Ministers operate on the principle of secrecy of procedure and cannot divulge any information about their proceedings policies and decisions. Oath of secrecy to the ministers is administered by the President/Governor of State.
Significance of Parliamentary Productivity:
The Parliament of India is the supreme legislative body in the country responsible for enacting laws and overseeing the functioning of the government. The roles of Parliament in India include:
Law Making: The primary function of Parliament is to make laws. Bills are introduced in either house of Parliament, debated and discussed, and finally passed as Acts of Parliament.
Scrutiny of Government: Parliament has the power to hold the government accountable by asking questions, seeking clarifications, and conducting debates on government policies and actions.
Budgetary Control: Parliament has the power to approve or reject the government's budget proposals and to scrutinize government spending.
Oversight of Executive: Parliament has the power to investigate and examine the functioning of the executive branch of the government and its various agencies.
Electoral Functions: Parliament has the power to decide on the qualifications and disqualifications of members, conduct elections to fill vacancies, and determine the electoral boundaries.
Constitutional Functions: Parliament has the power to amend the Constitution, approve the proclamation of emergency, and to impeach the President, Vice-President, and other high officials.
Parliament in India is essential for maintaining the democratic system of the country and ensuring that the government is accountable to the people.
Indicators of Declining Productivity of Parliament
Number of Bills Passed: As per the PRS Legislative Research, the number of bills passed by the Lok Sabha (the lower house of India's parliament) has declined in recent years.
15th Lok Sabha (2009-2014)
248 Bills passed
16th Lok Sabha (2014-2019)
205 Bills passed
17th Lok Sabha (2019-2024)
131 Bills passed
Question Hour: An important aspect of parliamentary productivity is the ability of MPs to ask questions of the government during Question Hour. However, Question Hour has been disrupted in recent years, with MPs often protesting and preventing the House from functioning.
According to IndiaSpend, 16th Lok Sabha lost 29% of its scheduled time due to disruptions, while the current 17th Lok Sabha has lost 48% of its scheduled time so far.
Private Members' Bills: Private Members' Bills are bills introduced by MPs who are not part of the government. The number of Private Members' Bills being introduced and passed in parliament has declined in recent years. Till date, only 14 Private Members' Bills have been passed and received assent.
Reduced Number of Sittings: The 17th Lok Sabha has only functioned for 230 sitting days so far. With only 1 year left, it will likely be the least productive Lok Sabha till date.
Lack of Discipline and Decorum: Lack of opportunity to present their views and unresponsive attitude of the government further fuels the indiscipline in MPs.
Declining quality of Parliamentary Debates: Parliamentarians generally tow the party line and argue on rhetoric rather than facts and substantial reports. It leads to lack of quality debates in parliament and frequent disruptions.
Legislation through Ordinances: Government is increasingly relying on the ordinance route rather than introduction of bills for crucial issues, this has further subverted the Parliament. E.g., Ordinance to amend the Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi (GNCTD) Act, 1991.
Reasons for the Decline:
Increased Polarisation: Increased polarisation and confrontational politics is leading to frequent disruptions in the House. MPs often engage in protests, sloganeering, and walkouts, which prevent the smooth functioning of parliament. This has resulted in the loss of valuable time and resources, hindering the legislative process.
Lack of Adequate Preparation and deliberation before introducing bills in Parliament. The government often rushes to pass bills without thorough discussions, leading to poorly drafted legislation, inadequate scrutiny and oversight.
Committee System: Committees play a crucial role in scrutinizing bills, conducting in-depth research, and engaging in consultations with stakeholders, which help in drafting effective legislation. Absence of a robust committee system leads to either bypassing of committees or inadequate scrutiny of bills.
Lack of Diversity: Indian parliament lacks diversity, with a significant underrepresentation of marginalised groups, including women and religious minorities. This has resulted in the exclusion of diverse voices and perspectives, leading to the passing of legislation that does not reflect the needs and aspirations of all sections of society.
Declining role of Rajya Sabha: Many ordinary bills are introduced and passed as money bills so as to evade the scrutiny of Rajya Sabha. E.g., Aadhar Bill.
Increased Expulsion: Increased expulsion of members of opposition on grounds of being unruly.
Decline in Parliamentary Standards: Reduced expectations from the public coupled with declining parliamentary standards.
Outcomes of Parliamentary Decline
Performance Decline: Decline in the productivity of Parliament impairs its ability to effectively perform the duties that have been entrusted to it by the Constitution".
Impairs basic legislative function: MPs are not able to ask ministers tough questions during question hour to assess the work that their ministries are doing. With disruptions eating into the time available for parliamentary business, adequate time is not available for debating legislation.
Bills passed without Debate: As a result, bills either get passed without effective debate or remain pending in Parliament. With Parliament meeting for a fewer number of days and with its productivity falling on account of disruptions, MPs are not able to raise matters of urgent public importance and bring it to the attention of the government.
Reduced Scrutiny: When Parliament does not function, laws needed to address challenges in governance are not legislated, the government gets away with minimal scrutiny over its functioning, and MPs lose out on the opportunity to represent the interests of their constituents.
Loss of Faith: Decline of parliament leads to loss of faith in the institution of Parliament and its role in upholding Indian democracy.
Way Forward
British Convention: In the British Parliament, there are certain days in a week in each Parliamentary session where the opposition parties are allowed to determine the agenda for the day’s discussion. (20 days a year.)
Increased Frequency: Parliament should meet more frequently. In the 1950s, Parliament met for 120-140 days every year; now it ranges between 60 and 70 days.
Longer sitting hours: The House of Commons sits for about 150 days in a year with an average sitting lasting for seven and a half hours. Currently our Parliament meets for an average of 70 days in a year and the rules provide that Lok Sabha would meet for 6 hours and Rajya Sabha for 5 hours.
Parliamentary Schedule is decided by the government, which can postpone or curtail a session if faced with uncomfortable issues. It can be fixed in two ways.
First, a calendar of sittings should be announced at the beginning of each year for limited flexibility.
Second, the rules should be amended to ensure that the House is summoned if a significant minority (say 25% or 33%) of members gives a written notice.
In the UK, the PM is bound by a constitutional convention to respond to questions directly posed to him by MPs. It is not so in India.
Technology: Parliament should leverage technology such as using electronic voting systems, enabling remote attendance for members, and enhancing digital communication channels. This would enable parliament to function more efficiently, reduce disruptions, and save time and resources.
Capacity Building: There should be a focus on capacity-building and training for parliamentarians, particularly in areas such as legislative drafting, public speaking, and committee work. This would enable MPs to be more effective in their roles, contributing to better legislative outcomes and increased productivity.
Introducing Parliament Productivity Index (PPI) that measures both the productivity of a session of Parliament and identifies five most disruptive MPs on the basis of clearly defined parameters.
Establishing Parliamentary Reforms Commission: Experts like Subhash C Kashyap have suggested the establishment of a parliamentary reforms commission to improve the efficiency of parliamentary procedures and practices.
Context: The meteoric rise of Unified Payments Interface (UPI) since its launch eight years ago, is no small feat for a country like India. As UPI enters its next phase of growth in both reach and innovation, there remain certain challenges to be addressed.
Relevance of the Topic: Mains: UPI- Scope, Risks, Way forward
Present Scenario of UPI in India
Unified Payments Interface (UPI) ecosystem accounts for nearly 80% of digital transactions in India.
UPI penetration is at 30% of the population. With India’s low digital literacy and a historic reliance on cash, this is a big achievement.
UPI has played a key role in fostering public trust in digital payments.
Scope for further growth of UPI
Enhancing public trust:
UPI’s continued success will heavily depend on whether its ecosystem can maintain and build upon such public trust.
This, in turn, will depend on UPI’s performance on resilience, reliability, and openness to innovation.
Wider reach:
70% of the population remains to be brought into the digital payments fold.
Potential for Innovations:
Expanding reach of UPI will require substantially new innovations ranging from service offerings to app design and the overall product base of the UPI ecosystem.
Scope for new entrants:
A major hindrance for UPI’s growth is the extreme market concentration of two Third Party App Providers (TPAPs) in the UPI network — Phone Pe and Google Pay.
Together, they control over 85% of the total market share.
The next biggest player, Paytm, controls merely 7.2%.
What are the risks posed by Duopoly in the UPI ecosystem?
Increased systemic vulnerability:
High market concentration of payments systems in PhonePe and GooglePay can lead to single points of failure, where any sudden break in services can have ripple effects across the entire financial structure.
Risk of decreased competition and innovation:
Disproportionately large share of the market and user base creates high entry barriers for smaller and newer market participants.
Lack of competition also discourages investment in new innovations.
Risk of foreign dominance:
Both PhonePe and GPay are foreign-owned (by Walmart and by Google respectively).
Foreign ownership creates multiple potentially new lines of failure, including data protection and backdoor access to sensitive information of Indian citizens, etc.
Regulative Measures and Recent Developments:
Initial proposal: In November 2020, National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) proposed that the digital payment firms would not be allowed to hold more than 30% share of the volume of transactions processed via India's popular unified payments interface (UPI). The mandate was to take effect from the end of 2024.
Extension of Deadline: In December 2024, NPCI extended the deadline for compliance by two years to the end of December 2026.
Recent reports suggest that the NPCI may potentially increase the market share cap from 30% to 40%.
Presently, Phone Pe accounts for 48.36% and Google Pay for 37.3% of market share in volume, as of August 2024.
Every subsequent extension to the deadline given by the NPCI, with any potential increase in the market share cap, will only allow the dominant TPAPs to consolidate their hold.
Way Forward
Strict implementation of market cap at previously determined 30% to prevent monopolistic tendencies and encourage competition.
Create a level-playing field for Indian entrants to the UPI ecosystem, thus balancing foreign dominance and addressing data sovereignty concerns.
Encourage innovation through increased competition, user-friendly apps and customised user reach.
The UPI ecosystem has every potential to offer smaller market participants a level playing field to compete and innovate with large established players. Providing the right conditions and right incentives is the key, so as to ensure the next phase of growth in both reach and innovation.
